Revolutions Mexicano General 1923 Foto Original México Ángel Flores De Colección

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Vendedor: memorabilia111 ✉️ (808) 100%, Ubicación del artículo: Ann Arbor, Michigan, US, Realiza envíos a: US y muchos otros países, Número de artículo: 176290343449 REVOLUTIONS MEXICANO GENERAL 1923 FOTO ORIGINAL MÉXICO ÁNGEL FLORES DE COLECCIÓN. A VINTAGE ORIGINAL PHOTO FROM 1923 MEASURING 5X7 INCHES OF GENERAL ANGEL FLORES OF MEXICO General Ángel Camacho Flores was a Mexican military man who participated in the Mexican Revolution .


General Ángel Camacho Flores was a Mexican military man who participated in the Mexican Revolution . Mexican Revolution  He was born in San Pedro, Culiacán, Sinaloa, in 1883 . His military career was remarkable and from the beginning, in 1910 , he stood out more on the battlefields than in politics or in the revolutionary public administration. At the beginning of the fight, he formed his troops with friends, who became allied more for their personal sympathy than for the cause. Since 1913 he was constitutionalist and in August 1914 he led the vanguard of the troops commanded by Ramón F. Iturbe in the Taking of Mazatlán. Later he served Venustiano Carranza in the fight against the conventionist forces. In 1915 he participated in the siege of Navojoa, in which he put up an amazing resistance to the forces of José María Maytorena , and in the Battle of Hermosillo, when Francisco Villa's forces were about to capture the square defended by the constitutionalists in command. of General Manuel M. Diéguez . Flores organized an advance column, with which it was possible to defeat the Villista forces. He became a major general . He participated in the Agua Prieta Revolution and upon his triumph, he was appointed Governor of Sinaloa from 1920 to 1924 . At the end of his term, he was supported by political groups that were accused of belonging to the political right as an opposition candidate against General Plutarco Elías Calles . On 31 March as as 1926 he died in Culiacan , Sinaloa . A rumor circulated that he had been poisoned because the government considered him a threat. El general Ángel Camacho Flores fue un militar mexicano que participó en la Revolución mexicana. Revolución mexicana Nació en San Pedro, Culiacán, Sinaloa, en 1883. Su carrera militar fue notable y desde sus inicios, en 1910, destacó más en los campos de batalla que en la política o en la administración pública revolucionaria. En los inicios de la lucha formó su tropa con amigos, que se aliaron más por su simpatía personal que por la causa. Desde 1913 fue constitucionalista y en agosto de 1914 encabezó la vanguardia de las tropas comandadas por Ramón F. Iturbe en la Toma de Mazatlán. Después sirvió a Venustiano Carranza en la lucha contra las fuerzas convencionistas. En 1915 participó en el sitio de Navojoa, en el que opuso una asombrosa resistencia a las fuerzas de José María Maytorena, y en la Batalla de Hermosillo, cuando las fuerzas de Francisco Villa estuvo a punto de capturar la plaza que defendían los constitucionalistas al mando del general Manuel M. Diéguez. Flores organizó una columna de avance, con la que se logró derrotar a las fuerzas villistas. Llegó a ser general de división. Participó en la Revolución de Agua Prieta y a su triunfo, fue nombrado gobernador de Sinaloa de 1920 a 1924. Al final de su gestión fue apoyado por grupos políticos que fueron acusados de pertenecer en la derecha política como candidato de oposición contra el general Plutarco Elías Calles. El 31 de marzo de 1926 murió en Culiacán, Sinaloa. Circuló el rumor de haber sido envenenado por considerarle una amenaza el gobierno. Estadio General Ángel Flores was a stadium in Culiacán, Mexico. It was primarily used for baseball and served as the home stadium for Tomateros de Culiacán. It also hosted the 2001 Caribbean Series.[1] The stadium opened in 1948 [2] and demolition of the structure began and was completed in January 2015, right after the final game where Tomateros defeated Charros de Jalisco to win 2014–15 season title. The Tomateros now play in the New Tomateros Stadium, with a capacity of 19,200, which was ready for the 2015–16 season. Angel Flores joined the Constitutionalist Army in 1913 and the following year was leading General Ramón Iturbide’s troops in the Mazatlán military campaign. Thereafter he served in the sixth Battalion in General Obregón’s Cuerpo de Ejército del Noroeste against the armies of Villa and Maytorena. In January 1915 Flores’ troops took the city of Navojoa and held it against Villa and Maytorena’s attacks in a siege that lasted for months. In November 1915 General Dieguéz ordered General Flores’ troops to defend the city of Hermosillo, Sonora and he was able to defeat the enemy troops under General Villa´s personal command. Carranza appointed Flores Provisional Governor of Sinaloa from 1 May 1916. In 1920 Flores joined in the Aqua Prieta revolt that brought down the government of Carranza, and was rewarded with the governorship of Sinaloa from 1920 till 1924. He opposed General Plutarco Elias Calles in the presidential elections but Calles won and Flores withdrew from the politics in 1925. He was suspiciously poisoned by arsenic and died in 1926 at Culiacán, Sinaloa. General Ángel Flores was an important military man during the Mexican Revolution, as well as governor of Sinaloa. It is suspected that he was assassinated and Álvaro Obregón spoke of him as "" the best soldier of the Revolution "".   He was born on October 2, 1883 in San Pedro, a town near Culiacán. The son of a farmer, from a young age he had a vocation for the army starting as a cabin boy on the Altata steamer, under the orders of Captain Joaquín Arano. After being a sailor and navigating the waters of several countries, he settled in Mazatlán until he became a crew foreman.   In 1910, when the Mexican Revolution broke out, he joined the movement with Pomposo Acosta's guerrillas. Although he formed his first troop with friends and acquaintances who supported him, by 1914 he was leading the vanguard of Ramón F. Iturbide's troops.   While he was with General Álvaro Obregón, he was able to climb several military ranks up to Brigadier General. Later he was under the orders of Venustiano Carranza and in 1915 he participated in the siege of Navojoa, where he stood out for his performance against the troops of José María Maytorena. In the Battle of Hermosillo, Flores organized an advance column, managed to defeat the Villista forces that were trying to capture the square, resulting victorious. He also participated in other battles, such as Alamitos and San Joaquín.   After his victory in Agua Prieta, he was appointed general of division, military chief of the northwest division, and governor of the state of Sinaloa, which is why he moved to Mazatlán from 1920 to 1924.   He died in 1926 in Culiacán, allegedly poisoned with arsenic because he was considered a threat to the government of Plutarco Elías Calles.   After fourteen years of service, Congress declared March 31, 1926, a day of mourning in the state, ordering that the national flag be flown at half mast. In order to pay tribute to this Sinaloan, today a receivership from the municipality of Navolato, the baseball stadium in Culiacán, and various streets and schools in Sinaloa bear his name.   Nació el 2 de octubre de 1883 en San Pedro, un poblado cercano a Culiacán. Hijo de un agricultor, desde joven tuvo vocación por el ejército iniciando como grumete en el vapor Altata, bajo las órdenes del capitán Joaquín Arano. Tras ser marino y surcar las aguas de varios países, se estableció en Mazatlán hasta convertirse en capataz de cuadrilla.   En 1910, cuando estalló la Revolución Mexicana, se incorporó al movimiento con la guerrilla de Pomposo Acosta. Aunque formó su primera tropa con amigos y conocidos que lo apoyaban, para 1914 encabezaba la vanguardia de las tropas de Ramón F. Iturbide.   Mientras estuvo con el general Álvaro Obregón pudo escalar varios grados militares hasta general brigadier. Tiempo después estuvo bajo las órdenes de Venustiano Carranza y en 1915 participó en el sitio de Navojoa, donde destacó su desempeño frente a las tropas de José María Maytorena. En la Batalla de Hermosillo, Flores organizó una columna de avance, logró derrotar a las fuerzas villistas que intentaban capturar la plaza, resultando victoriosos. Además participó en otras batallas, como la de Alamitos y la de San Joaquín.   Después de su victoria en Agua Prieta fue nombrado general de división, jefe militar de la división del noroeste y gobernador del estado de Sinaloa, razón por la cual se mudó a Mazatlán de 1920 a 1924.   Murió en 1926 en Culiacán, presuntamente envenenado con arsénico por considerársele una amenaza para el gobierno de Plutarco Elías Calles.   Tras catorce años de servicio, el Congreso declaró el 31 de marzo de 1926 día de luto en el estado, ordenando que la enseña patria ondeara a media asta. Para poder rendirle homenaje a este sinaloense, en la actualidad llevan su nombre una sindicatura del municipio de Navolato, el estadio de béisbol en Culiacán, y diversas calles y escuelas de Sinaloa. Angel Flores (1883/10/02 - 1926/03/31) Angel Flores Ángel Flores Mexican Military Born on October 2, 1883 in San Pedro , Culiacán municipality. Natural son of Bruno Camacho and Doña Juana Flores. His mother took him with her to live in the town of Capirato , Mocorito, where she baptized him. Governor of Sinaloa from 1920 to 1924. Flores left office twelve days after his inauguration to be appointed Chief of the First Division of the Northwest by orders of General Álvaro Obregón . He returned to power in 1923 by virtue of the uprising of Don Adolfo de la Huerta . He built the channel " Rosales ". He established some municipalities that were previously districts. He restricted the sale of alcoholic beverages in the state. In 1924, he launched his candidacy for the Presidency of the Republic supported by conservative groups, including the National Union of Farmers . His opponent was the general Plutarco Elías Calles . Upon losing the elections, he retired from public life in 1925. Ángel Flores died in the city of Culiacán on March 31, 1926. The Mexican Revolution was an armed conflict that began in Mexico on November 20 , 1910 . The antecedents of the conflict go back to the situation in Mexico under the dictatorship known as the Porfiriato . Porfirio Díaz exercised power in the country in a dictatorial way from 1876 to 1911. During these 35 years, Mexico experienced remarkable economic growth and had political stability, but these achievements were made with high social costs, paid by the less favored strata of society and by political opposition to the Diaz regime. During the first decade of the 20th century, several crises broke out in various spheres of national life, reflecting the growing discontent of some sectors with the Porfiriato. When Díaz assured in an interview that he would retire at the end of his term without seeking reelection, the political situation began to shake. The opposition to the government gained relevance given the position expressed by Díaz. In this context, Francisco I. Madero made several tours in the country with a view to forming a political party that would elect its candidates in a national assembly and compete in the elections. Díaz launched a new candidacy for the presidency and Madero was arrested in San Luis Potosí for sedition . During his stay in prison, the elections that gave Díaz the victory were held. Madero managed to escape from state prison and fled to the United States . From San Antonio ( Texas ), the 5 of October of 1910 , proclaimed the Plan of San Luis , who called to take up arms against the government of Diaz on November 20, 1910. The armed conflict began in the north of the country and later it expanded to other parts of the national territory. Once the rebels occupied Ciudad Juárez . ( Chihuahua ), Porfirio Díaz submitted his resignation and went into exile in France . Francisco León de la Barra succeeded him as interim president. In 1911 new elections were held in which Madero was elected. From the beginning of his mandate he had differences with other revolutionary leaders, which led to the uprising of Emiliano Zapata and Pascual Orozco against the Maderista government. In 1913 a counterrevolutionary movement, led by Félix Díaz , Bernardo Reyes and Victoriano Huerta , staged a coup . The military uprising, known as Decena Tragica , ended with the assassination of Madero, his brother Gustavo, and Vice President Pino Suárez. Huerta assumed the presidency, which caused the reaction of several revolutionary leaders such as Venustiano Carranza and Francisco Pancho Villa . After just over a year of fighting, and after the US occupation of Veracruz , Huerta resigned the presidency and fled the country. From that event, the differences between the factions that had fought against Huerta deepened, which triggered new conflicts. Carranza, head of the Revolution, in accordance with the Plan of Guadalupe , summoned all the forces to the Convention of Aguascalientes to appoint a single leader. At that meeting, Eulalio Gutiérrez was appointed president of the country, but hostilities resumed when Carranza ignored the agreement. After defeating the Convention, the Constitutionalists were able to start work on the drafting of a new Constitution and bring Carranza to the presidency in 1917. The factional fighting was far from over. In the rearrangement of the forces, the main revolutionary leaders were assassinated: Emiliano Zapata in 1919, Venustiano Carranza in 1920, Francisco Villa in 1923, and Álvaro Obregón in 1928. There is currently no consensus on when the revolutionary process ended. Some sources place it in 1917 , with the proclamation of the Mexican Constitution , 1 2 3 in 1924 with the presidency of Plutarco Elias Calles or in 1928 with the murder of the re - elected President Alvaro Obregon . 4 There are even some who claim that the process lasted until the 1940s , such as Alfonso Taracena . 5 6 Index 1 Background to the Mexican Revolution 1.1 Economic, social and cultural background 1.2 Social background 1.3 Cultural background 1.4 Political background 1.4.1 Francisco I. Madero 1.4.2 Plan of San Luis 2 Maderista Revolution 2.1 Madero returns to the country 2.2 Conversations between Maderistas and the government 2.3 Taking of Ciudad Juárez 2.3.1 Treaties of Ciudad Juárez 2.4 Resignation of Diaz 2.5 Interim Office of León de la Barra 2.5.1 Conflict with Zapatismo 2.5.2 Divisionism within the movement 2.5.3 Presidential election 3 Madero Presidency (1911-1913) 3.1 Plan of Ayala 3.2 Uprising of Pascual Orozco 3.3 Counterrevolutionary movements 3.3.1 Rebellions of Bernardo Reyes and Félix Díaz 3.3.2 Statement by Ambassador Wilson 3.4 The Tragic Ten 4 Dictatorship of Victoriano Huerta 4.1 Relationship with the United States 5 Constitutional revolution 5.1 Guadalupe Plan 5.2 Movements in the north of the country 5.3 Movements in the center and south of the country 5.4 American intervention 5.5 Revolutionary advance and capture of Zacatecas 5.5.1 Taking of Zacatecas 5.6 Revolutionary triumph 5.7 Faction War 5.7.1 Aguascalientes Convention 5.8 Triumph of constitutionalism 5.8.1 Participation of the Casa del Obrero Mundial 5.8.2 Battle of Columbus 5.8.3 US punitive expedition 5.8.4 Constituent Congress 6 Revolutionary and counterrevolutionary activity from 1916 to 1928 6.1 Zapata assassination 6.2 Agua Prieta Plan and the murder of Carranza 6.3 Interim presidency of Adolfo de la Huerta 6.4 Villa assassination 6.5 Presidencies of Álvaro Obregón and Plutarco Elías Calles 7 The extended porfiriato: the revolution in Yucatán 8 Historiographic controversies 8.1 Body count 8.2 Difference in dates 8.3 Historiographic questions 9 Legacy 9.1 Social changes 9.2 November 20 parade 9.3 Museums 9.4 Centennial of the Revolution 10 The Mexican Revolution in culture 10.1 Novels 10.2 Films 10.3 Corrido 10.4 Adelitas 10.5 Main characters eleven See also 12 Bibliography 13 References 14 external links fifteen Notes Antecedents of the Mexican Revolution  Main articles: Porfirio Díaz and Porfiriato . Journalist John Kenneth Turner ca. 1920. This journalist predicted the occurrence of the Mexican Revolution in his book México barbaro . Porfirio Díaz , a mestizo Oaxacan who stood out in the liberal armies fighting conservative groups and who participated in the French Intervention , 7 had assumed the presidency since 1876 8 after the triumph of the Tuxtepec rebellion , 7 and by the end By his seventh term, in 1910, he had maintained a 31-year dictatorship . 9 During the last years of his government, Díaz enjoyed little credibility and his opponents were increasing 10 due to the fact that several simultaneous crises were suffered in all areas: social, political, economic and cultural.11 Economic, social and cultural background  During the colonial period, many towns were able to conserve some communal properties, generically called " ejidos ." The Lerdo law of 1856 declared corporate properties, particularly those of the Church and indigenous communities, vacant. Between 1889 and 1890 the Díaz government ordered that communal lands be made parcelable . The new owners, unaccustomed to private property , were swindled by individuals or officials. As a result, much of the indigenous population was found to be without land and had to work on nearby farms. Another series of demarcation lawsof the years 1863, 1883 and 1894, in which a parcel without its respective title could be considered as vacant land, led those who had the necessary resources to take over large portions of land. By 1910 less than 1% of families in Mexico owned or controlled about 85% of the arable land. The towns, where 51% of the rural population lived, had only small portions of land and most of it depended on neighboring estates. In addition, the laws and the national situation favored the landowners, since they were the only ones with access to credit and irrigation projects.for instance. For their part, small towns and independent farmers were forced to pay huge taxes. This situation greatly affected the agricultural economy, since the haciendas had large uncultivated portions and were less productive than the smaller properties. 12 Another of the repercussions of the land demarcation and the division of indigenous communal lands was that some of them rebelled against the government. The conflicts, which took place in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, were led by the Mayans , Tzotziles , Coras , Huichols, and Rarámuris , among others. The longest-lasting conflicts were those that occurred in Yucatán , Quintana Roo, and Sonora . Before these groups a deportation policy was adopted, Yucatán and Quintana Roo were the main destinations. 13 In the north, the Díaz government took against the Yaquisa policy of violent repression and deportation to the south of the country. The peak moment against this group took place in 1908, by which time between a quarter and a half of its population had been sent to the henequen plantations in Yucatán. Ultimately, these ethnic groups were to collaborate with the revolutionary forces. 14 At the beginning of the 20th century, oil exploitation began in Mexico, although the concessions were given to foreign companies such as Standard Oil and the Royal Dutch Shell . 15 This process eventually led the country to an industrial transformation. Foreign investors, protected by the government, invested in industries and exploitation of raw materials, mining was promoted and the textile industry was modernized, which also developed the railway system. 15 In 1910, there were already 24,000 kilometers of railway lines. 16 However, in 1907 a strong international crisis was unleashed in the United States and Europe, which led to a decline in exports, higher prices in imports, and the suspension of credits to industrialists. The situation unleashed a strong unemployment, in addition to which the income of the rest decreased. 17 A drought that took place in 1908 and 1909 affected agricultural production, 18 for which corn had to be imported 18 for a value of 27 million pesos. 15 This situation affected a large part of the population, since corn was part of the diet of 85% of the population. 19 The consequent decline in the country's economic activity drastically reduced government revenues. An attempt was made to solve this problem by punishing the bureaucracy and increasing taxes and the tax base, which affected members of the middle class, both urban and rural, as well as members of the upper class who did not adhere to « the Scientists ”, 20 select group of intellectuals, professionals and businessmen who shared the beliefs of positivism and social Darwinism and influenced the politics of the country. 21 In general terms, the economic crisis seriously discredited the image of the president and his close friends. 11 See also: Financial Panic of 1907 Social background  Main articles: Rio Blanco Strike and Cananea Strike . Strike of Cananea , July 1 , 1906 During the Díaz Mori government there were numerous large estates, and 80% of the Mexican population depended on rural wages. In addition, the stingray stores were a common practice in these places, where the wages of workers were awarded in merchandise. Through this system, workers were able to obtain such an amount of credit that they were indebted for life. 22 This system, together with practices that were everyday such as contracting by deception or awarding a non-existent debt, is known as "enganche", a system that involved coercive , extra-economic and extra-legal elements . 2. 3The plight of many peasants and indigenous groups on the eve of the revolution was widely denounced in the book México Barbaro by JK Turner . The laws of the nation were rarely applied within the haciendas, where the workers were seen as slaves or objects of property, practically a kind of feudalism existed . 24 The so-called Rural Corps also acted in the countryside , which was a police group in charge of "safeguarding the peace," generally through brutal methods. Another practice of this group was the leva , or compulsory conscription. 25 In the cities, from 1906 they began to emerge many movements representing workers in this category -are the strikes of Cananea and Rio Blanco - which would be repressed by the government through the use of military force. 26 Various intellectuals fought to defend the rights of the working class, such as the case of Lázaro Gutiérrez de Lara , Práxedis G. Guerrero , Juan Sarabia and Ricardo Flores Magón , who had encouraged the labor movements in Cananea and Río Blanco. 27 One of the media of this line was the newspaper Regeneración , which emerged in 1900 . 28 The movement headed by these and other intellectuals was complex in nature because it drew on various currents of thought, from the Enlightenment to positivism . The Flores Magón brothersThey became notably radicalized after being expelled from Mexican territory. 29 In 1908 they tried to revolt the country by entering the north, although the uprising did not have major repercussions and this caused their influence to decline. 30 Cultural background  From the beginning of the century , positivism , an ideology that kept the group in power, began to be questioned , which led to the discredit of social Darwinism . It was then that the mestizo majority began to demand greater participation in decision-making, in addition to the fact that the group of " Scientists " ceased to be seen as congenitally superior or the only one capable of directing the government. 11 Political background  Main articles: Politics in the Porfiriato and Crisis del Porfiriato . James Creelman, de la Pearson's Magazine, realizó una entrevista al presidente Díaz en 1908 donde este último aseguraba que dejaría la presidencia al finalizar su término. El coahuilense Francisco I. Madero fue cabeza del Partido Nacional Antirreeleccionista y autor del Plan de San Luis, que convocaba a tomar las armas contra el gobierno de Díaz. The political system of the Díaz government suffered a severe crisis due to the aging of the president and his clique, commonly known as " the Scientists, " which made it an exclusionary system to which the new generations did not have access. 31 On the other hand, Díaz's political system had been based on the balance of powers between his close group and the followers of Bernardo Reyes , known as "Reyistas," but due to the president's advanced age, the question of succession presidential became more important. Thus, the scientists reduced the political power of the Reyistas, who then became members of the opposition . 32This decision also caused a concentration of political and economic power in various regions, such as Chihuahua , Morelos and Yucatán , which caused discontent. 33 In 1908 the political situation in the country began to shake, when an interview that James Creelman , a reporter for Pearson's Magazine , conducted with the then president of Mexico 25 on February 18 of that year. 34 In this interview, Díaz assured: I have waited patiently for the day when the Mexican people would be prepared to select and change their government in each election without the danger of armed revolutions and without hindering the progress of the country. I think that day has arrived. 34 From that moment on, various anti-reelection clubs began to form throughout the country. In the state of Coahuila , the book The Presidential Succession also emerged in 1910 , where its author, a landowner named Francisco I. Madero , makes an analysis of the Mexican political situation and also criticizes the Díaz government, although in a moderate way. and positive. A raíz de la entrevista de Creelman al presidente Díaz, y de la aparición del libro de Madero, surgieron varios partidos políticos, algunos a favor del actual gobierno y otros completamente en contra.35​ Entre ellos se encontraban el Partido Democrático (en el que habían participado entre otros Benito Juárez Maza y Manuel Calero)35​ y los Reyistas (partidarios del general Bernardo Reyes), quienes fundaron el Club de Soberanía Popular,36​ aunque posteriormente el general fue eliminado de la planilla debido a que fue comisionado a Europa en septiembre de 1909.30​ A final de cuentas, Díaz decidió postularse nuevamente para presidente, junto a Ramón Corral para vicepresidente. Asimismo, en 1909 fue reorganizado el Club Reeleccionista por parte de los miembros de la aristocracia con la finalidad de promover su campaña. Como contrapropuesta surgió el Centro Antirreleccionista, con Francisco I. Madero como figura central.37​ Francisco I. Madero Artículo principal: Francisco I. Madero Giras de Madero entre 1909 y 1910. Nacido en Parras, Coahuila, el 30 de octubre de 1873, siendo hijo de un hacendado y nieto de un exgobernador de Coahuila, Francisco I. Madero estudió en Francia por cinco años, cursando estudios de economía y comercio.38​ Después de las declaraciones de Díaz en la entrevista de Creelman, publicó un libro en el que hizo un análisis de la situación política y al mismo tiempo criticó el gobierno de Díaz. Numerosos exreyistas se sumaron al movimiento antirreeleccionista, lo que le brindó experiencia política e incluso militar al movimiento, además del apoyo de las clases sociales altas, medias y bajas. Algunas figuras importantes que se sumaron a este movimiento fueron Venustiano Carranza, Francisco Vázquez Gómez, Luis Cabrera y José M. Maytorena.39​ Madero realizó tres giras para promover clubes antirreeleccionistas estatales con miras a celebrar una convención anual en abril de 1910, en la que se constituiría el Partido Nacional Antirreeleccionista y se designarían los candidatos para las próximas elecciones.40​ Madero fue aprehendido por órdenes del juez de Distrito de San Luis Potosí mientras se encontraba en Monterrey,41​ acusado de incitar a la rebelión,42​ por lo que fue trasladado y confinado en la prisión del Estado. Cuarenta y cinco días después fue puesto en libertad bajo fianza, aunque sin la posibilidad de salir del Estado. Durante este mismo periodo se realizaron las elecciones presidenciales.41​ Retrato en óleo de Venustiano Carranza, gobernador de Coahuila. Plan de San Luis Artículo principal: Plan de San Luis Las elecciones se realizaron el 26 de junio de ese año, resultando electos Díaz y Corral.41​ Durante el mes de septiembre se llevaron a cabo numerosas celebraciones con motivo del centenario de la independencia. Para tal ocasión asistieron embajadores y ministros plenipotenciarios de diversos países que mantenían relaciones internacionales con el país: de España acudió el representante personal de Alfonso XIII el marqués Camilo García de Polavieja, quien llevó el uniforme de José María Morelos y Pavón para entregárselo al gobierno mexicano; por los Estados Unidos asistió el embajador especial Curtiss Guild; concurrieron además Carl Buenz embajador especial de Alemania; Chan Tin Fang, embajador de China; el mayor general Enrique Loynaz de Cuba; y Paul Lafebre de Francia entre otros.43​ El 6 de octubre Madero escapó de San Luis Potosí con destino a San Antonio, Texas, donde se reunió con sus familiares y partidarios. Allí redactó junto con un pequeño grupo —entre los que destacaban Juan Sánchez Azcona (ex-reyista) y Roque Estrada—44​ un documento conocido como Plan de San Luis, aunque en realidad el texto apareció fechado el 5 de octubre en San Luis Potosí.41​ El plan convocaba a la lucha armada;42​ declaraba nulas las elecciones para presidente, vicepresidente, magistrados de la Suprema Corte de Justicia de la Nación, y diputados y senadores; se reconocía como presidente provisional y «Jefe de la Revolución» a Madero; y se insistía en reivindicaciones de carácter social para indígenas y obreros.45​ Asimismo, señaló el 20 de noviembre como la fecha en que todos los mexicanos debían levantarse en armas contra el gobierno. Junto con este documento, Madero escribió un manifiesto dirigido al Ejército Federal, en el que se le exhortaba a unirse al movimiento revolucionario.46​ Conciudadanos:- No vaciléis pues un momento: tomad las armas, arrojad del poder a los usurpadores, recobrad vuestros derechos de hombre libres y recordad que nuestros antepasados nos legaron una herencia de gloria que no podemos mancillar. Sed como ellos fueron: invencibles en la guerra, magnánimos en la victoria.- SUFRAGIO EFECTIVO, NO REELECCIÓN. San Luis Potosí, octubre 5 de 1910.- Francisco I. Madero47​ Aquiles Serdán, político mexicano que había huido hacia Estados Unidos después de las elecciones, recibió el encargo por parte de Madero de organizar la revolución en Puebla, de donde era originario. El 18 de noviembre un grupo de policías acudió a su domicilio, donde guardaban las armas. Aquiles resistió junto a sus hermanos, siendo rodeados por 400 soldados y 100 policías. Al final fue asesinado al salir del sótano de la vivienda en donde se ocultaba.48​ El día 19 Madero partió de Texas47​ y el 20 cruzó el río Bravo para volver a territorio mexicano, donde lo esperaban algunos exmilitares y algunos pocos voluntarios civiles. Después de algunas escaramuzas de poca importancia, Madero regresó a los Estados Unidos para reorganizar el movimiento,49​ pero evitó dirigirse hacia San Antonio, pues allí se había dictado una orden de aprehensión en su contra. En su lugar, se trasladó a Nueva Orleans.25​ A pesar de que la muerte de Serdán parecía un fracaso en el intento revolucionario, la lucha armada tuvo respuesta en el occidente de Chihuahua, no por parte de los antirreeleccionistas, sino de la gente del pueblo y zonas rurales. Posteriormente se extendió a los estados vecinos de Sonora, Durango y Coahuila.50​ Revolución Maderista Principales enfrentamientos durante la revolución maderista. El 14 de noviembre, Toribio Ortega, acompañado de cerca de setenta hombres, se adelantó en la lucha armada debido a que había sido descubierto y se había ordenado su aprehensión,51​ por lo que se rebeló contra el gobierno federal en la localidad de Cuchillo Parado, en el estado de Chihuahua, uniéndose posteriormente a otro grupo rebelde maderista.52​ El 20 de noviembre, fecha señalada para comenzar la Revolución mexicana, tuvieron lugar 13 levantamientos: el primer levantamiento fue en el municipio de Gómez Palacio, Durango siendo esta la cuna de la revolución, el domingo 20 de noviembre de 1910 un grupo de rebeldes comandados por Jesús Agustín Castro asaltaron el banco de la ciudad y liberaron a los presos de la cárcel municipal invitándolos a formar parte de su causa, ocho en Chihuahua, una en San Luis Potosí y tres en Veracruz,25​ todos principalmente en zonas rurales. Dentro de dichos movimientos destacaron los de Pascual Orozco y Francisco Villa en Chihuahua; José María Maytorena y Eulalio y Luis Gutiérrez en Coahuila; Cesáreo Castro en Cuatro Ciénegas, Coahuila; José de la Luz Blanco en Cuchillo Parado, Chihuahua; los hermanos Figueroa en Guerrero; y Emiliano Zapata en Morelos.53​ El primer encuentro entre revolucionarios y tropas federales tuvo lugar el 21 de noviembre en Ciudad Guerrero, Chihuahua, donde las huestes de Pascual Orozco, seguidor de Abraham González,54​ se enfrentaron contra el tercer regimiento caballería, al mando del capitán Salvador Ormachea.55​ Orozco finalmente se apoderó de la ciudad el 30 de noviembre y partió hacia Pedernales, donde derrotó a las tropas federales.56​ Para finales de ese mes, la lucha se había extendido a siete estados de la república.25​ El 15 de diciembre de 1910, Francisco Villa fue desalojado de San Andrés por tropas federales al mando del teniente coronel Agustín Martínez. Posteriormente enfrentó al general Navarro y decidió retirarse a Parral.56​ Díaz tomó el control el ejército federal desde la capital y ordenó al general Navarro retomar Ciudad Guerrero con ayuda del 20.º batallón de infantería.56​ Los revolucionarios y federales se enfrentaron en el cañón Mal Paso, donde los seguidores maderistas tuvieron que retirarse después de seis horas de combate. Un par de días después, tras cuatro horas y media de lucha, lograron vencer los revolucionarios. Díaz ordenó que se reforzaran las tropas de Navarro, quien entró a Ciudad Guerrero el 6 de enero sin combatir, pues la ciudad había sido abandonada.57​ En Zacatecas, Luis Moya se levantó en armas, venciendo posteriormente a las tropas federales en Aguaje, Durango. Poco después tomó la plaza de San Juan de Guadalupe, en ese mismo estado. Salvador Alvarado y Juan G. Cabral tomaron las armas en el estado de Sonora, ocupando los poblados de Cuquiarachi, Frontera y Bacoachi. Severiano Talamantes, por su parte, hizo lo mismo en Sahuaripa, mientras que Praxedis Guerrero se sublevó en Janos, en el estado de Chihuahua, pero fue muerto por las tropas federales.57​ Madero regresa al país Internándose en Zaragoza, al sureste de Ciudad Juárez, el 14 de febrero de 1911, Madero decidió regresar a México acompañado de algunos seguidores, colaboradores y de su hermano Gustavo, con el propósito de asumir el liderazgo del movimiento armado, mejorar su organización y permitirles poder atacar poblaciones de mayor tamaño.58​ El 6 de marzo, Madero, al frente de unos 800 irregulares, decidió atacar Casas Grandes, Chihuahua, pero fue derrotado por el 18.º batallón de infantería al mando del coronel Agustín A. Valdez. Durante el combate, resultó herido en un brazo.59​ Paralelamente surgieron más movimientos en el país, como en los estados de Guerrero y Morelos,58​ extendiéndose el conflicto prácticamente a todo el territorio mexicano.25​ Madero se retiró para reorganizar sus fuerzas y recibió el apoyo de Pascual Orozco y Francisco Villa, quienes operaban en Chihuahua. Con poco más de 1500 soldados, quiso atacar la capital del estado, pero posteriormente decidió invadir Ciudad Juárez, ciudad fronteriza con los Estados Unidos.60​ Ante la situación, Porfirio Díaz tomó varias medidas desesperadas como suspender las garantías individuales. Además, ante la noticia de que los Estados Unidos estaban reuniendo su ejército en la frontera, intentó negociar un acuerdo de paz.61​ Es importante recalcar que el movimiento antirreeleccionista se transformó durante el proceso militar: de oposición derivó en rebelión, por lo que el movimiento urbano de la clase media se convirtió en una lucha popular y rural, con nuevos líderes dispuestos a la lucha armada que no habían participado en el movimiento que rechazaba la reelección de Porfirio Díaz, como Pascual Orozco —arriero y comerciante—, Pancho Villa —que había sido bandolero además de realizar una gran variedad de oficios y trabajos— o Emiliano Zapata —domador de potros que encabezaba reclamos agrarios en Anenecuilco—. Al movimiento se habían unido rancheros del norte del país, vaqueros, ferrocarrileros, mineros, obreros, artesanos, profesores rurales, rancheros sureños, entre otros, los cuales eran poco afines a la figura de Madero. Por estos motivos, este último quiso dar por terminada la lucha prematuramente.62​ Conversaciones entre maderistas y el gobierno Francisco I. Madero y líderes revolucionarios. 24 de abril de 1911. El padre de Madero y su hermano Gustavo se reunieron con José Ives Limantour, ministro de Hacienda y Crédito Público, en Nueva York. Durante el encuentro le entregaron una propuesta de la Junta Revolucionaria, en donde se pedía al gobierno la adopción de la no reelección, la renuncia del vicepresidente Corral, la democratización del gobierno y que se garantizara la libertad política.63​ A su regreso a la capital, Limantour convenció a Díaz de efectuar cambios en su gabinete, por lo que todos, a excepción de dos funcionarios, fueron reemplazados. Además, Díaz envió al Congreso una iniciativa de ley para prohibir la reelección. Dichos cambios resultaron insuficientes para Madero, quien siguió insistiendo en la renuncia de Díaz y Corral.63​ Las negociaciones entre maderistas y el gobierno continuaron, tratando de llegar a un arreglo en el que Díaz siguiera en el poder. Representantes del porfirismo ofrecieron incluso la renuncia de Corral, la facultad a los maderistas de nombrar cuatro ministros del gabinete y catorce gobernadores. Aunque Madero estaba dispuesto a aceptar, sus colaboradores se opusieron, por lo que al final se rompieron las negociaciones.63​ Desde el 11 de abril, Madero y sus tropas establecieron un cuartel general cerca de Ciudad Juárez, en los márgenes del río Bravo, pactándose más tarde un armisticio.64​ El 7 de mayo, el presidente Díaz declaró en el diario La Nación el siguiente manifiesto: Mexicanos: La rebelión iniciada en Chihuahua en noviembre del año pasado y que paulatinamente ha ido extendiéndose, hizo que el gobierno que presido acudiese, como era de su estricto deber, a combatir en el orden militar el movimiento armado[...] Algunos ciudadanos patriotas y de buena voluntad ofreciéronse espontáneamente a servir de mediadores con los jefes rebeldes; y aunque el gobierno creyó no deber iniciar negociación alguna, porque habría sido desconocer los títulos legítimos de su autoridad, dio oídos a las palabras de paz, manifestando que escucharía las proposiciones que se le presentaran. El resultado de esa iniciativa privada fue[...] que se concertara una suspensión de hostilidades entre el General Comandante de las fuerzas federales en Ciudad Juárez y los jefes alzados en armas que operan en aquella región, para que durante la tregua conociera el gobierno las condiciones o bases a que había de sujetarse el restablecimiento del orden[...] La buena voluntad del gobierno y su deseo manifiesto de hacer concesiones amplias y de dar garantías eficaces de la oportuna ejecución de sus propósitos, fueron interpretados, sin duda, por los jefes rebeldes como debilidad o poca fe en la justicia[...] ello es que las negociaciones fracasaron por la exorbitancia de la demanda previa [...] Por último, hacer depender la presidencia de la República[...] de la voluntad o del deseo de un grupo más o menos numeroso de hombres armados, no es, por cierto, restablecer la paz[...] El Presidente de la República[...] se retirará, sí, del poder, cuando su conciencia le diga que al retirarse, no entrega el país a la anarquía y lo hará en la forma decorosa[...] El fracaso de las negociaciones de paz tal vez traerá consigo la renovación y la recrudescencia en la actividad revolucionaria. Manifiesto de Porfirio Díaz en La Nación, 7 de mayo de 1911.65​ Como resultado al día siguiente se reanudaron las hostilidades, desde las trincheras de un bando hacia otro.64​ Toma de Ciudad Juárez Artículo principal: Toma de Ciudad Juárez Fotografía de los vencedores de la Toma de Ciudad Juárez. Ciudad Juárez era defendida por el general Juan Navarro y el coronel de infantería Manuel Tamborrell, quienes estaban a cargo de las tropas y de la guarnición respectivamente. Los revolucionarios, liderados por Orozco y Villa, desobedeciendo las órdenes de Madero, atacaron la guarnición de Ciudad Juárez los días 8 y 9 de mayo y logrando penetrar sus trincheras. Infructuosamente, Madero intentó detener la embestida,64​ pero más rebeldes se unieron paulatinamente a la transgresión, por lo que finalmente decidió dar la orden al resto de sus hombres de proseguir el asalto. Las tropas revolucionarias finalmente tomaron la plaza el día 10, obligando al general Navarro a capitular. Entonces, Madero, de acuerdo con el Plan de San Luis, fue nombrado presidente provisional y constituyó su Consejo de Estado, en el que incluía entre otros a Venustiano Carranza, su hermano Gustavo y José María Pino Suárez.66​ El 17 de mayo se firmó un armisticio de cinco días aplicable a toda la República mexicana. Al término de este, se firmó un tratado de paz en dicha ciudad,60​ lo que dio fin a la revolución maderista.64​ Tratados de Ciudad Juárez Artículo principal: Tratados de Ciudad Juárez Copia de cantos populares de la época en favor del maderismo. Se muestra la letra de una canción relatando la Toma de Ciudad Juárez. El día 21 de ese mes60​ se firmó en esa misma ciudad un documento conocido como Tratados de Ciudad Juárez,67​ el cual establecía lo siguiente: En Ciudad Juárez, a los 21 días del mes de mayo de 1911, reunidos en el edificio de la Aduana Fronteriza los señores: licenciado Francisco S. Carvajal, representante del gobierno del señor general don Porfirio Díaz; doctor Francisco Vázquez Gómez, Francisco Madero padre y licenciado José María Pino Suárez, como representantes los tres últimos de la Revolución, para tratar de hacer cesar las hostilidades en todo el territorio nacional, y considerando: Que el señor general Porfirio Díaz ha manifestado su resolución de renunciar a la presidencia de la República antes de que termine el mes en curso. [...]que el señor Ramón Corral renunciará igualmente a la vicepresidencia[...] Que [...] el señor Francisco León de la Barra [...] se encargará interinamente del Poder Ejecutivo de la nación y convocará a elecciones [...] Que el nuevo gobierno [...] acordará lo conducente a las indemnizaciones por los perjuicios causados directamente por la Revolución [...] Único: Desde hoy cesarán en todo el territorio de la República las hostilidades que han existido entre las fuerzas del general Díaz y las de la Revolución, debiendo éstas estar licenciadas a medida[...] se vayan dando los pasos necesarios para restablecer y garantizar la paz y el orden público. Tratados de Ciudad Juárez, 21 de mayo de 1911.67​ Renuncia de Díaz El día 25 de mayo, Porfirio Díaz se presentó en la Cámara de Diputados para entregar su renuncia ante el pleno,68​ mediante un documento en el que declaraba: A los CC. Secretarios de la H. Cámara de Diputados. Presente. El Pueblo mexicano, ese pueblo que tan generosamente me ha colmado de honores, que me proclamó su caudillo durante la guerra de Intervención[...] se ha insurreccionado en bandas milenarias armadas, manifestando que mi presencia en el ejercicio del Supremo Poder Ejecutivo, es causa de su insurrección. No conozco hecho alguno imputable a mí que motivara ese fenómeno social; pero permitiendo, sin conceder, que pueda ser culpable inconsciente, esa posibilidad hace de mi persona la menos apropósito para raciocinar y decir sobre mi propia culpabilidad. En tal concepto[...] (v)engo ante la Suprema Representación de la Nación a dimitir sin reserva el encargo de Presidente Constitucional de la República[...] Porfirio Díaz, el 25 de mayo de 1911.69​ El 31 de mayo, Díaz abordó en el puerto de Veracruz el barco de vapor Ipiranga con rumbo a Europa, donde permaneció en el exilio hasta el 2 de julio de 1915, fecha en que falleció.10​ Interinato de León de la Barra Francisco León de la Barra asumió la presidencia interina tras la renuncia de Porfirio Díaz. Las renuncias tanto del presidente como del vicepresidente dieron lugar a que el entonces secretario de Relaciones Exteriores, Francisco León de la Barra, tomara posesión de la presidencia el mismo 25 de mayo de forma interina, manteniéndose en el poder alrededor de seis meses.70​ De la Barra formó un gabinete plural en el que se incluyeron porfiristas, maderistas e independientes,71​ lo cual ocasionó una grave crisis política, acrecentada con la actitud que tomó Madero frente a los grupos revolucionarios, lo cual causó severas brechas. Durante el interinato, De la Barra y Madero protagonizaron un constante antagonismo.70​ Véase también: Francisco León de la Barra Conflicto con el Zapatismo Artículos principales: Zapatismo y Emiliano Zapata. Auspiciado en los Tratados de Ciudad Juárez, León de la Barra intentó acelerar el proceso de licenciamiento de las tropas revolucionarias.72​ Se calcula que de los 60 000 rebeldes, solo 16 000 se organizaron en nuevos cuerpos de Rurales, regresando la mayoría a la vida cotidiana.73​ El mayor opositor del desarme y desmovilización de las tropas fue Emiliano Zapata, quien pedía que primero se cumpliera lo prometido por Madero en el Plan de San Luis en lo concerniente a restitución de tierras.70​ Ante esta situación, Madero se encontró en medio de la postura del presidente interino, la cual era apoyada por los hacendados del estado de Morelos, y las reclamaciones de las tropas revolucionarias, que pedían que se cumpliera lo prometido.72​ Intentando conciliar, Madero se reunió con Zapata en Cuautla el 18 de agosto de 1911,74​ donde se comprometió a resolver el problema agrario a cambio de que las tropas zapatistas fueran licenciadas. Además, le pidió que confiara en las negociaciones con el gobierno. Al principio, De la Barra pareció estar de acuerdo con las peticiones de Zapata, pero en lugar de continuar las conversaciones ordenó al general Victoriano Huerta, quien se encontraba en el mismo estado de Morelos, que reprimiera por la fuerza el movimiento zapatista. Madero tuvo que salir huyendo de vuelta a la Ciudad de México mientras que Zapata y algunos pocos de sus hombres se replegaron hacia las sierras de Puebla y Guerrero. Poco después, Zapata realizó un manifiesto dirigido al pueblo de Morelos, en el que acusó a los «traidores científicos» de querer retomar el poder mientras que, por otra parte, exculpó a Madero. Adicionalmente, proclamó la existencia del Ejército Libertador del Sur.72​ Divisionismo dentro del movimiento Durante el interinato, Bernardo Reyes regresó al país, asegurando que tenía interés de unirse a la «revolución legalizada». En una reunión sostenida por Reyes, de la Barra y Madero, este último le ofreció a Reyes el ministerio de Guerra, aunque, ante el descontento de los revolucionarios, el ofrecimiento se rompió.75​ Otro conflicto se suscitó con los hermanos Vázquez Gómez. Uno de ellos, Emilio Vázquez Gómez, ejercía como ministro de Gobernación y abogaba por no licenciar las tropas revolucionarias, por lo que su relación con de la Barra no era cordial. El presidente le pidió a Madero que solicitara su renuncia,75​ la cual se hizo efectiva el 1 de agosto. Tres semanas después se promulgó el Plan de Texcoco, firmado por Andrés Molina Enríquez, el cual desconocía el gobierno del presidente de la Barra y llamaba a continuar la lucha armada. Como consecuencia, Molina fue conducido a prisión.76​ Además, el 31 de octubre de 1911 fue proclamado el Plan de Tacubaya, firmado por Paulino Martínez, periodista de oposición y quien posteriormente se convirtió en ideólogo del zapatismo. En dicho documento se aseguraba que el «Jefe de la Revolución» había traicionado sus propios principios asentados en el Plan de San Luis, y lo acusaba de rodearse de miembros del antiguo régimen.77​ Elecciones presidenciales Artículo principal: Elecciones extraordinarias de México de 1911 En medio de dichos conflictos se comenzó a preparar la próxima elección. Madero formó el Partido Constitucional Progresista, basado en el Antirreeleccionista y el Plan de San Luis, el cual presentaba como fórmula a Madero en la presidencia y José María Pino Suárez para la vicepresidencia. El rompimiento para estas elecciones con Vázquez Gómez, quien había sido su compañero de fórmula en las elecciones pasadas, provocó el distanciamiento de muchos ex-reyistas, experimentados en la política nacional.78​ El Partido Nacional Católico, fundado el 3 de mayo de 1911,71​ presentó a Madero para la presidencia y de la Barra a la vicepresidencia.79​ El partido reyista por su parte proponía a Bernardo Reyes para la presidencia, y el Partido Liberal Puro proponía a Emilio Vázquez Gómez.80​ Las elecciones se realizaron en el mes de octubre, resultando ganadores Francisco I. Madero a la presidencia (con el 99 % de los votos)80​ y José María Pino Suárez a la vicepresidencia, dando inicio su mandato el 6 de noviembre.81​ Presidencia de Madero (1911-1913) Durante este periodo de transición, el 27 de noviembre de 1911 se modificó la Constitución Mexicana en sus artículos 78 y 109, prohibiendo así las reelecciones del presidente y vicepresidente, aunque este último podía postularse en el período inmediato.82​ Además, en diciembre de 1911 se formuló la ley electoral, misma que fue reformada en mayo de 1912. La instauración de dicha ley tenía como finalidad ampliar la libertad electoral, limitar la intervención estatal en las elecciones y expandir el universo de electores, buscando una mayor igualdad electoral.83​ Durante el mandato de Madero se transformó casi en su totalidad la pirámide del poder: llegaron nuevos gobernadores, muy diferentes a los que habían participado en el gobierno de Díaz, además de que viejos jefes políticos se vieron desplazados por un nuevo aparato gubernativo dominado por las clases medias, aunque obreros y campesinos siguieron relegados de los procesos políticos.84​ Plan de Ayala Artículo principal: Plan de Ayala Emiliano Zapata proclamó el Plan de Ayala, documento que desconocía el gobierno maderista. Dos días después de la toma de posesión de Madero, el presidente envió un representante a Morelos pidiendo que Zapata licenciara sus tropas. Zapata puso como condiciones que el gobernador del Estado Ambrosio Figueroa fuera removido del cargo, el retiro de las tropas federales, indulto y salvoconducto para los integrantes de su ejército y el establecimiento de una ley agraria que mejorara la calidad de vida en el campo. Madero rechazó las condiciones y envió al ejército a Villa de Ayala, donde establecieron un cerco y abrieron fuego con la intención de terminar con el movimiento. Zapata y sus hombres lograron huir al estado de Puebla, y el 28 de noviembre dieron a conocer el Plan de Ayala, documento redactado por Otilio Montaño y firmado por elementos del Ejército Libertador del Sur.85​ En dicho documento se acusó a Madero de haber impuesto al vicepresidente y los gobernadores de los estados en contra de la voluntad popular, se le acusaba de dictador y estar «en contubernio escandaloso con el partido científico, hacendados feudales y caciques opresores enemigos de la revolución». Además se reconocía como «Jefe de la Revolución» a Pascual Orozco y, en caso de que este no aceptara, quedaría como jefe Emiliano Zapata.86​ Al enterarse del Plan de Ayala, el presidente Madero redobló los esfuerzos por terminar con el movimiento sin conseguirlo, lo que al mismo tiempo lo llevó a una mayor enemistad con los hacendados.87​ A lo largo de 1912 la lucha entre zapatistas y el gobierno fue de reducida intensidad, entre pocos y pequeños grupos rebeldes zapatistas y las tropas del general Felipe Ángeles, quien había recibido instrucciones de Madero de que la lucha no fuera excesivamente violenta.88​ Levantamiento de Pascual Orozco Artículo principal: Plan de la Empacadora Desde el momento en que Pascual Orozco desobedeció las órdenes de Madero y se dirigió a atacar Ciudad Juárez se rompieron las relaciones entre estos dos personajes. La situación se agravó cuando no fue elegido para formar parte del gabinete del gobierno provisional formado tras la firma de los Tratados de Ciudad Juárez y cuando durante las elecciones a gobernador de Chihuahua, Orozco perdió frente al candidato que Madero apoyaba, Abraham González.89​ En marzo de 1912 Orozco desconoció el gobierno de Madero y llamó a levantarse en armas contra él por medio del Plan de la Empacadora.89​ Su movimiento logró convocar a las clases populares, media y alta,90​ además de que cobró fuerza después de derrotar a José González Salas y después a Villa.91​ Victoriano Huerta fue encomendado por el gobierno maderista para sofocar la rebelión.90​ Después de vencer al orozquismo se convirtió en héroe nacional, ganándose además la confianza del presidente.91​ Movimientos contrarrevolucionarios Rebeliones de Bernardo Reyes y Félix Díaz El general Bernardo Reyes convocó a un levantamiento armado. Ante el fracaso se entregó y fue encarcelado en Ciudad de México. Bernardo Reyes había intentando competir en las elecciones para presidente en 1911, pero ante las amenazas de los maderistas decidió salir del país y desde San Antonio, Texas, lanzó el Plan de la Soledad92​ en noviembre de 1911, el cual buscaba desconocer el gobierno de Madero. Regresó a México el 5 de diciembre pero se encontró con que sus seguidores habían desertado, por lo que terminó entregándose ante las autoridades federales. Fue encarcelado en la prisión de Santiago Tlatelolco91​ y posteriormente juzgado por un tribunal de guerra acusado de sedición. Dicho tribunal lo encontró culpable, por lo que lo destinó a una corte marcial.92​ En el estado de Veracruz, Félix Díaz, sobrino de Porfirio,93​ se levantó en armas el 16 de octubre de 1912 seguido de algunos militares de la zona. Sin embargo, el movimiento no tuvo la repercusión esperada y a los pocos días fue derrotado por tropas federales. El 23 de octubre fue capturado y remitido a Ciudad de México, donde fue encarcelado.94​ Fue sometido a una corte de guerra, que lo sentenció a muerte.93​ A pesar de ello, bajo presiones de miembros de la Suprema Corte (porfiristas),94​ la pena se le conmutó por prisión perpetua.93​ Véanse también: Bernardo Reyes y Félix Díaz. Intervención del embajador Wilson El embajador estadounidense en México, Henry Lane Wilson, se involucró en la política nacional mexicana. El embajador estadounidense en el país durante el gobierno de Madero fue Henry Lane Wilson, quien, enemistado con Madero, intervino en la política nacional para derrocarlo. Wilson tuvo varias fricciones con el gobierno mexicano porque este no había favorecido los intereses comerciales de inversionistas estadounidenses, sino que, al contrario, proclamó una serie de medidas nacionalistas que los afectaban. Por ejemplo, una nueva legislación ferroviaria ocasionó que aquellos trabajadores estadounidenses que no supieran español fueran reemplazados por trabajadores mexicanos. Además, una nueva legislación respecto a la explotación petrolera en el país obligaba a los extranjeros a pagar impuestos.94​ Wilson se encargó entonces de acrecentar las fricciones entre ambos países enviando a su gobierno informes alarmistas sobre la situación del país, por lo que el gobierno de Estados Unidos exigió que se salvaguardara la integridad de sus ciudadanos radicados en México y que se garantizaran las inversiones realizadas.94​ Véase también: Henry Lane Wilson La Decena Trágica Artículos principales: Decena Trágica, Pacto de la Ciudadela y Asesinato de Francisco I. Madero y José María Pino Suárez. Soldados sublevados durante la Decena Trágica. Desde mediados de 1912 se había estado gestando una conspiración en la que participaron Rodolfo Reyes, hijo de Bernardo, y los generales Manuel Mondragón, representante de Félix Díaz,95​ y Gregorio Ruiz.96​ El día 9 de febrero se inició el golpe de Estado que se consumó en diez días, por lo que es conocido tal acontecimiento como «Decena Trágica».96​ Durante esa jornada se rebelaron los alumnos de la Escuela de Aspirantes de Tlalpan y una tropa del cuartel de Tacubaya. Marcharon en dos columnas: una hacia Tlatelolco y otra hacia Lecumberri, con la finalidad de liberar tanto al general Bernardo Reyes como a Félix Díaz.95​ Después de ser liberado, Reyes se dirigió hacia el Zócalo de la Ciudad de México, donde buscaba que la guarnición del Palacio Nacional lo secundara. Sin embargo, el general Lauro Villar, jefe de la plaza, ordenó el fuego, muriendo Reyes en el lugar. Félix Díaz, por su parte, se dirigió a la plaza de La Ciudadela, lugar donde estableció su cuartel.95​ Mientras tanto, Madero salió de la entonces residencia oficial presidencial, el castillo de Chapultepec, y se dirigió a Palacio Nacional, donde relevó al general Villar, que había resultado herido durante el combate con Reyes, y encargó a Victoriano Huerta que sofocara la rebelión mientras él salía a entrevistarse con Felipe Ángeles en Cuernavaca.96​ Madero regresó confiado a la capital acompañado del general Ángeles y Guillermo Rubio Navarrete, que se había trasladado desde Querétaro. Huerta se encargó de retrasar y entorpecer los ataques, por lo que Gustavo Madero lo mandó aprehender.95​ El 17 de febrero, Huerta recusó los cargos de Gustavo, reafirmando su lealtad a Francisco I. Madero. Este ordenó su liberación, recriminando a su hermano por impulsivo.96​ Al día siguiente Huerta y Félix Díaz firmaron el llamado Pacto de la Ciudadela, conocido también como Pacto de la Embajada debido a que fue firmado en la embajada estadounidense en presencia de Henry Lane Wilson. El pacto establecía el compromiso de Huerta de apresar al presidente y disolver el Ejecutivo para tomar la presidencia de la República de forma provisional, a fin de que, llegadas las elecciones, Félix Díaz fuera nombrado presidente.95​ En la Ciudad de México, a las nueve y media de la noche del día dieciocho de febrero de mil novecientos trece, reunidos los señores generales Félix Díaz y Victoriano Huerta[...] expuso el señor general Huerta que, en virtud de ser insostenible la situación por parte del gobierno del señor Madero, ha hecho prisionero a dicho señor, a su gabinete y a algunas otras personas. Después de discusiones[...] se convino lo siguiente: Primero. Desde este momento se da por inexistente y desconocido el Poder ejecutivo que funcionaba. Segundo. A la mayor brevedad se procurará solucionar en los mejores términos legales posibles la situación existente, y los señores Díaz y Huerta pondrán todos sus empeños a efecto de que el segundo asuma antes de setenta y dos horas la presidencia provisional[...] El general Victoriano Huerta El general Félix Díaz.97​ Poco antes de la reunión, Gustavo A. Madero fue detenido en un restaurante de la Ciudad de México y trasladado a la Ciudadela,95​ donde fue torturado95​ y posteriormente asesinado.98​ El general Aureliano Blanquet se encargó de apresar en el Palacio Nacional al presidente Madero y al vicepresidente Pino Suárez. La madrugada del 19 de febrero, en sesión extraordinaria de la Cámara de Diputados, se aceptó la renuncia de ambos.98​ Fue designado entonces como presidente el secretario de Gobernación, Pedro Lascuráin, cuya única acción de gobierno fue nombrar, a su vez, a Victoriano Huerta como secretario de Gobernación, para que 45 minutos después pudiera renunciar95​ y se diera paso a que Huerta fungiera como el presidente interino de México, conforme a la legislación vigente.98​ Madero y Pino Suárez permanecieron presos en Palacio Nacional hasta la noche del 22 de febrero,99​ siendo luego trasladados a la Penitenciaria del Distrito Federal,95​ pero casi al llegar a su destino fueron asesinados.99​ Dictadura de Victoriano Huerta De izq. a der.: José C. Delgado, Victoriano Huerta y Abraham F. Ratner. Victoriano Huerta, al llegar al poder, se volvió un dictador que anuló la democracia y la libertad por medio de la fuerza militar.100​ Huerta recibió el apoyo de los grandes hacendados, altos mandos militares, del clero y de casi todos los gobernadores,101​ a excepción de José María Maytorena, gobernador de Sonora, y de Venustiano Carranza, gobernador de Coahuila.102​ La gestión huertista se propuso entonces dos metas: lograr la pacificación del país y lograr el reconocimiento internacional de su gobierno, especialmente por parte de los Estados Unidos.103​ Intentó conseguir el apoyo de orozquistas y zapatistas, concediendo amnistías generales y enviando representantes. Pascual Orozco puso algunas condiciones que le fueron otorgadas, como el empleo de guardias rurales para sus soldados, pago de sueldos a costa del erario y pensiones a viudas y huérfanos, por lo que el 27 de febrero de 1913 Orozco hizo oficial su apoyo al gobierno. Zapata, por su parte, rechazó tajantemente cualquier oferta, por lo que el movimiento morelense continuó su lucha contra el gobierno de Huerta.103​ La Cámara de Diputados se opuso al gobierno huertista e incluso la facción maderista fue sumamente crítica con sus acciones. Belisario Domínguez, diputado chiapaneco, escribió un discurso en el que condenaba la violencia desatada y acusó a Victoriano Huerta de asesino. Después de ser prohibida su lectura en el Congreso por parte de la Cámara de Senadores, lo difundió por escrito. Poco tiempo después fue asesinado y cuando los miembros de la Cámara exigieron que se investigara su muerte y se garantizara la vida de los miembros del Poder Legislativo, Huerta decidió disolver la Cámara y mandó arrestar a varios de sus miembros. Cuando la Cámara de Senadores tuvo conocimiento de estos hechos sus miembros acordaron disolver su propia Cámara, por lo que Huerta asumió facultades extraordinarias.104​ Relación con los Estados Unidos Pocos días después de la decena trágica, Woodrow Wilson asumió la presidencia de los Estados Unidos.105​ Wilson, que no simpatizaba con Huerta,106​ envió a agentes para que le informaran la situación que prevalecía en el país. John Lind llegó a México para sustituir a Henry Lane Wilson y presentó a Huerta en agosto de 1913 cuatro propuestas del gobierno estadounidense:105​ Cese al fuego inmediato y armisticio definitivo. Elecciones libres inmediatas con la participación de todas las facciones. Que el general Huerta no participara en dichos comicios. Acuerdo de todos los partidos de acatar el resultado y cooperar en el nuevo gobierno. Las propuestas fueron rechazadas por medio del secretario de Relaciones Exteriores, Federico Gamboa, por lo que el presidente Wilson declaró a los Estados Unidos neutral en el conflicto. De esta forma ninguna de las dos facciones podría comprar armamento del país fronterizo.106​ Revolución constitucionalista El ascenso al poder de Huerta provocó que los antiporfiristas se levantaran en armas, iniciando lo que se conoce como «Revolución constitucionalista» en marzo de 1913 en el norte de México.107​ Plan de Guadalupe Artículo principal: Plan de Guadalupe Venustiano Carranza (al centro) en La Cañada, Querétaro, el 22 de enero de 1916. Ante la urgencia y gravedad del momento en que Victoriano Huerta rompió el orden constitucional y criminalizado su ambición al deponer y ordenar la muerte del Presidente Francisco I Madero, el 19 de febrero de 1913, el Congreso del Estado Soberano, Libre e Independiente de Coahuila de Zaragoza resolvió conceder al gobernador poderes y facultades extraordinarias para integrar una fuerza militar que reponga el orden jurídico y cancele la opción de permanencia al usurpador. Reunidos en la Hacienda de Guadalupe, en Saltillo, Carranza y otras personalidades, entre las que destacan Lucio Blanco y Jacinto B. Treviño, proclamaron el Plan de Guadalupe, que desconocía a los tres poderes de la federación108​ y comunicaba que se tomarían las armas para restablecer el orden constitucional.109​ Se nombraba además a Carranza jefe del «Ejército Constitucionalista» y se le daba la facultad de ocupar interinamente la presidencia de México para convocar a elecciones.108​ Véase también: Ejército Constitucionalista Movimientos en el norte del país Este movimiento se caracterizó por tener una naturaleza legalista, cuyos segundos mandos estaban compuestos por los principales políticos y burócratas del estado. Entre los militares que integraban sus filas estaban: Jesús Carranza —hermano del gobernador—, Pablo González, Francisco Coss, Cesáreo Castro y Jacinto B. Treviño, veteranos de la lucha contra el gobierno de Díaz.110​ En el estado de Sonora, los generales Álvaro Obregón y Plutarco Elías Calles le brindaron su apoyo a Carranza de manera inmediata,111​ tomando el liderazgo del movimiento en el estado junto con Salvador Alvarado, Manuel Diéguez y Adolfo de la Huerta, entre otros.112​ Esta facción estuvo representada por una clase media con cierta capacidad militar, que contaba con experiencia para realizar pactos con grupos populares.113​ En Chihuahua, si bien la clase media había sido la protagonista durante la lucha contra Porfirio Díaz y su gobierno, la muerte de Abraham González y la adhesión al bando huertista de Pascual Orozco tuvieron como resultado que la lucha en el estado la dirigiera Francisco Villa, miembro de las clases bajas, por lo que sus lugartenientes y segundos mandos —entre los que destacan Maclovio Herrera, Rosalío Hernández y Toribio Ortega— también eran parte de los sectores populares.114​ Otros movimientos importantes fueron establecidos en los estados de Durango, donde los principales líderes rebeldes eran de origen popular —como Tomás Urbina, Orestes Pereyra, Calixto Contreras y los hermanos Arrieta (Domingo, Mariano y Eduardo)—; y en Zacatecas, encabezado por Fortunato Maycotte y Pánfilo Natera, el cual fue un movimiento de clase media y populares.115​ El 18 de abril tuvo lugar en Monclova, Coahuila, una convención a la que acudieron representantes del movimiento revolucionario de los estados de Chihuahua, Sonora y Coahuila, cuya duración fue de tres días, durante los cuales fue ratificado el Plan de Guadalupe, la unión de las fuerzas de los tres estados en un solo ejército, y el compromiso de Carranza para cumplir el Plan de Guadalupe, que le convirtió en el Primer Jefe del Ejército Constitucionalista116​ y líder de la rebelión en el norte.117​ Conforme fue esparciéndose el movimiento se le hicieron adiciones al plan original, principalmente por parte de políticos coahuilenses y antihuertistas de Sonora y Chihuahua.108​ En el mes de mayo la División del Noroeste, al mando de Álvaro Obregón, tomó los poblados de Santa Rosa y Santa María, con lo que prácticamente se aseguró el control de Sonora. Por ello avanzó por la costa del Pacífico hasta llegar al centro de Jalisco. En Chihuahua y parte de la Comarca Lagunera operó la División del Norte de Francisco Villa. La División del Noreste, comandada por Pablo González, y la División del Centro, al mando de Pánfilo Natera, completaron las tropas constitucionalistas que se enfrentaron al régimen huertista durante la segunda mitad de 1913. Movimientos en el centro y sur del país Revolucionarios tabasqueños. A diferencia de la activa participación que se vivió durante esta etapa en el norte del país, las regiones del centro y sur del territorio nacional estuvieron poco involucradas en el proceso, salvo algunos movimientos de consideración. En el centro del país, por el hecho que la población tuviera un carácter urbano-industrial y el control mantenido por el ejército huertista, la rebelión tuvo un débil desarrollo. En el estado de San Luis Potosí se levantaron en armas los hermanos Cedillo —Saturnino, Cleofás y Magdaleno—, aunque actuaron de manera independiente a los antihuertistas locales que reconocían a Carranza como líder.115​ En el estado de Hidalgo operaron Nicolás Flores, Vicente Salazar, Francisco Mariel y Daniel Cerecedo, y en Tlaxcala Máximo Rojas y Domingo y Cirilo Arenas.118​ En el sur, su lejanía con los Estados Unidos —en donde se compraban las armas para la revolución—, de los principales frentes de batalla, y su virtual incomunicación del país, ocasionó que la población se viera renuente a participar en el conflicto armado.119​ Dentro de los movimientos de la zona destacó el de Zapata, que también luchó contra el gobierno federal al cual desconoció el 4 de marzo,109​ aunque lo hizo como un movimiento independiente al llamado «constitucionalista».120​ Además, los métodos drásticos y cruentos de represión utilizados en su contra por el gobierno huertista hicieron que el número de alzados aumentara considerablemente, pues los habitantes se vieron obligados a intensificar la lucha defensiva.121​ En el estado de Guerrero operó Jesús Salgado, de filiación zapatista, los hermanos Figueroa —Rómulo, Francisco y Ambrosio; todos ellos ex maderistas—, y Julián Blanco, en la costa de Acapulco. Al mismo tiempo, en Oaxaca operó Juan José Baños, mientras que en Tabasco participaron varios líderes como Ignacio Gutiérrez Gómez, Pedro Colorado, Fernando Aguirre Colorado, Ernesto Aguirre Colorado, Luis Felipe Domínguez y Carlos Greene, aunque sus acciones no llegaron a inquietar al gobierno federal.119​ Véanse también: Revolución mexicana en Tabasco y Revolución mexicana en Yucatán. Intervención estadounidense Artículo principal: Segunda Intervención estadounidense en México Desembarco estadounidense en Veracruz. El 9 de abril, seis barcos estadounidenses anclaron cerca del puerto de Tampico, y cuando uno de ellos se acercó al puerto, su personal fue aprehendido por soldados federales mexicanos. Aunque los estadounidenses fueron liberados al poco tiempo, el contraalmirante estadounidense Mayo pidió al general huertista Morelos Zaragoza un castigo ejemplar para quienes habían realizado las detenciones y exigió que se izara la bandera de los Estados Unidos, a la cual se le deberían rendir honores con 21 cañonazos. El gobierno huertista trató de llegar a un arreglo, pero todo fue en vano debido a que el presidente Wilson ya había dado instrucciones para la ocupación del puerto de Veracruz, evitando que Huerta recibiera un embarque de municiones procedentes de Alemania que era transportado en el Ipiranga. La infantería estadounidense tomó la aduana de Veracruz el 21 de abril de 1914, posteriormente todo el puerto y el día 22 el de Tampico.122​ Huerta rompió entonces las relaciones diplomáticas con los Estados Unidos y envió a la mayor parte de su ejército al estado. Japón no rompió relaciones comerciales ni diplomáticas, aunque el embajador Kumaichi Horiguchi intento salvarle la vida a Madero y dio asilo en su embajada a la familia del depuesto presidente. Argentina, Brasil y Chile (grupo conocido como ABC) se ofrecieron a actuar como mediadores en el conflicto durante las conferencias en Niagara Falls, Canadá, el 20 de mayo de ese mismo año. El 24 de junioAn agreement was finally signed stating that the United States would recognize any provisional government that resulted from the armed conflict, would compensate American citizens who were affected by the revolution, and that its government would not demand any compensation for the Tampico incident . 122 See also: Tampico Incident and 1914 US Occupation of Veracruz . Revolutionary advance and capture of Zacatecas  Main movements of the constitutionalist revolution. By the beginning of 1914 the revolutionaries dominated almost the entire north of the country (with the exception of Baja California ). In Durango , Pablo González and Jesús Carranza, (or Jesús Agustín Castro and Luis Caballero in his absence), had taken the leadership of the movement when Carranza had to leave for Sonora 118 after Huertista forces seized control of the state in the middle of 1913. 117 By then, the Cedillo brothers had become the dominant force in San Luis Potosí; Rafael Buelna operated successfully in Tepic ; in Jalisco Félix Bañuelos andJulián Medina ; and in Michoacán José Rentería Luviano , Gertrudis Sánchez and Joaquín Amaro Domínguez . In Veracruz, the fight was led by Antonio Galindo , Cándido Aguilar , Hilario Salas and Miguel Alemán . 118 During March and April 1914, the northern armies began to advance towards the capital, Obregón to the west, Villa to the center, and Pablo González to the east with the intention of overthrowing Huerta, which motivated and facilitated the outbreak of numerous uprisings. in the central states of the country. 123 Taking of Zacatecas  Painting representing the Taking of Zacatecas . On the left in the foreground are Francisco Villa and Felipe Ángeles, in the center the city of Zacatecas and in the background Cerro de la Bufa . Main article: Taking of Zacatecas (1914) Especially, the city of Zacatecas was of great importance for both sides because it was a railroad crossing that the revolutionaries from the north of the country had to take before reaching the capital. 124 The city, which is surrounded by high hills, presented a great obstacle to the attackers. General Luis Medina Barrón , in charge of the defenses of the city, placed the artillery of the federal army on top of two of the highest hills: La Bufa and El Grillo . 125 Felipe Ángeles arrived in Calera (25 kilometers from Zacatecas) on June 19 , 1914 and went out to reconnoitre the terrain for the battle. Francisco Villa appeared in the outskirts of the city on June 22 , and ordered the offensive to begin at 10 a.m. the following day. 126 As planned, the Villistas attacked the federal positions on the hills of La Bufa, del Grillo, la Sierpe, Loreto and La Tierra Negra, while forty cannons supported the deployment of the infantry that ascended the hills that surrounded the city. 126 Around 05:40 in the afternoon the federal troops began to abandon their positions and flee in a disorganized manner, shortly after the revolutionaries took the hills of La Bufa and del Grillo, later advancing on the city. Villa's troops killed a large number of soldiers who tried to flee, accounting for five thousand dead on the federal side, for three thousand on the revolutionary side. 126 Despite the victory, Villa could not be the first to reach the capital because Carranza blocked shipments of coal to the Northern Division, which was necessary to feed Villa's railroads. 127 On the other hand, Obregón went down through Sinaloa and Jalisco, occupying Guadalajara , from where he went to the center of the country. González went down through Monterrey , Tampico, San Luis Potosí and Querétaro. 128 With these advances, the movement ceased to be exclusive to the north of the country and covered practically half of the national territory, which at the same time caused other social sectors to join. In addition, as the revolutionary forces advanced, various pacts had to be established with the locals in exchange for support, for which worker and agrarian decrees were made. 128 Revolutionary triumph  Federal troops waiting for Francisco Villa in the city of Torreón . On July 14, 1914, Huerta fled the capital and the following day, July 15 , presented his resignation to Congress. 129 He moved to Havana , Cuba , and from there to the United States, where he was arrested and sent to prison in El Paso, Texas, where he died in 1916 . 130 Francisco Carvajal , then Minister of Foreign Relations, was left at the head of the government with the task of handing over the capital to the revolutionary forces and negotiating the surrender of the federal forces. Carvajal requested the mediation of the United States, to which Carranza refused. After talks between the government and Carrancistas, on August 14 of that same year the Treaties of Teoloyucan were signed , where the unconditional surrender of the federal army was formally presented. 129 Faction warfare  After Huerta's resignation, the capital was quickly occupied by the Constitutionalist Army that same July 15. Venustiano Carranza arrived in the city accompanied by Álvaro Obregón 131 on August 20 and took political and military command. 132 The fact that Carranza had denied him the possibility of entering the capital and that he had not invited him to sign the Treaties of Teoloyucan created a strong malaise in Francisco Villa, for which several generals tried to reach a peaceful settlement. A meeting was then held, the result of which was reflected in the Torreón Pact , in which it was agreed that Carranza would continue to be the First Chief, the Northern Division would have the same rank as that of the Northeast and Northwest, and Felipe Ángeles would serve also as head of the entire Constitutionalist Army. 132 Shortly after, Carranza summoned the governors and generals to a convention, in which a revolutionary program was to be drawn up. 132 Aguascalientes Convention  Main article: Convention of Aguascalientes Francisco Villa , Eulalio Gutiérrez and Emiliano Zapata gathered at the National Palace . The opening of the Convention took place on October 1 in Mexico City and was chaired by Luis Cabrera . 133 Without the presence of the Villista or Zapatista delegates, Carranza presented his resignation during the session of the third day, although it was not accepted by the delegates. 131 It was also agreed that the convention would be transferred to Aguascalientes in order for the Villistas and Zapatistas to attend, in addition to the fact that only the military and not civilians would participate. 133 The sessions were resumed on October 10 in the city of Aguascalientes , being chaired by Antonio I. Villarreal , José Isabel Robles , Pánfilo Natera , Mateo Almanza , Marciano González , Samuel Santos and Vito Alessio Robles . 133 With the relocation of the headquarters, Villa decided to send his delegates and Zapata did the same. 131 Carranza, for his part, did not attend the convention, since he believed that Aguascalientes was threatened by Villa. Instead he headed to Veracruz. 133 During the sessions, which lasted until November 13, 134 the Zapatistas asked that Carranza resign as First Chief of the revolution and that the Ayala Plan be fully accepted. In a letter read to those present by Álvaro Obregón, Carranza claimed to agree to resign if Villa and Zapata retired from public life and resigned as leaders of their respective armies. 131 The Convention appointed Eulalio Gutiérrez interim president. Upon learning of the appointment on November 10 , Carranza ignored the Convention agreement and his right to appoint a president, declaring that Gutiérrez was a spurious president. 133 Los generales Villa y Zapata en la silla presidencial el 4 de diciembre de 1914. The Carrancista forces left the capital at the same time that the Zapatistas entered. Days later, Villa's forces arrived, both generals meeting and signing the Pact of Xochimilco , which basically constituted an alliance against Carranza. 134 Pressured by Villa and Zapata, Gutiérrez could not govern, and on January 16 he left the capital and tried to establish his government in San Luis Potosí , although he resigned definitively soon after. Roque Gonzalez Garza was named provisional president, 134 ruling of the January 17 on June 9 , 1915. 135 Meanwhile in Veracruz Carranza ruled the country de facto : on December 12, 1914, he reformed the Plan of Guadalupe and shortly after, on January 6 , 1915, he promulgated a series of laws drafted by Luis Cabrera . 135 On June 10, Francisco Lagos Cházaro received the Executive Power from the Convention. The capital was taken again by the Carrancistas on August 2 and before their arrival the Convention moved to Toluca and later to Cuernavaca , in the latter place without the Villista presence. 134 Triumph of constitutionalism  Billete del Gobierno Provisional de México. Artículo principal: Batalla de Celaya Desde inicios de 1915 era claro que la lucha por el poder continuaría, ahora entre carrancistas, villistas y zapatistas.136​ Los últimos dos grupos contaban para entonces con la ventaja de tener un ejército más numeroso y habían ocupado la capital, aunque conforme avanzó ese año la balanza se fue inclinando hacia el bando carrancista gracias a las victorias de Álvaro Obregón frente al ejército de Francisco Villa137​ y a que, a pesar del pacto realizado en Xochimilco, nunca hubo una verdadera colaboración entre Villa y Zapata debido a que este último tenía por objetivo mantener aislada su región, por lo que se mantenía a la defensiva.138​ El 6 de abril de ese año las fuerzas de Villa intentaron tomar Celaya, la cual estaba bajo el control de Obregón, quien pudo defender la plaza, causando alrededor de 2000 bajas en el bando contrario. Una semana después, Villa volvió a intentar tomar la plaza, esta vez perdiendo alrededor de 4000 soldados y fallando en su objetivo. Estas derrotas debilitaron fuertemente al ejército villista, el cual se dirigió a León con la intención de recuperar sus fuerzas.137​ En total se desarrollaron cuatro batallas en el bajío guanajuatense, y a pesar de que todas las ganó Obregón, en la última, en el poblado de Santa Ana del Conde,139​ un casco de metralla lo hirió en el brazo derecho,137​ por lo que los médicos se lo amputaron.139​ Carranza logró recuperar el control de la capital en el año de 1916.137​ Constitucionalistas y convencionistas. Convencionistas y constitucionalistas en diciembre de 1914. Constitucionalistas, zapatistas y villistas en diciembre de 1915. Participación de la Casa del Obrero Mundial Artículos principales: Casa del Obrero Mundial y Batallones rojos. La «Casa del Obrero Mundial» había sido fundada durante la presidencia de Madero, el 22 de septiembre de 1912,140​ por un grupo de trabajadores mexicanos y activistas extranjeros.141​ Durante esta etapa la organización sirvió a manera de «unión» para agrupaciones sindicales y mutualistas posicionados en Ciudad de México, además de que tuvo una composición plural, ya que tanto anarquistas como católicos integraban sus filas.140​ Al ser derrocado Madero, en la COM se impuso una línea más radical que rechazaba el gobierno huertista. Tras el triunfo de la revolución constitucionalista en agosto de 1914 y el posterior exilio de Victoriano Huerta, Obregón reabrió la COM. Sin embargo, la lucha entre las facciones carrancistas y convencionistas causó debates sobre el camino que debía de seguir la organización. Los argumentos del pintor Gerardo Murillo (conocido por su seudónimo «Dr. Atl») y de Obregón convencieron a los dirigentes de la organización de aliarse con la revolución constitucionalista, misma que ya había definido su vocación social durante la guerra. El 17 de febrero de 1915 se firmó en la Ciudad de México una alianza entre la Casa del Obrero Mundial y la facción carrancista, misma que solicitaba de la primera «aportar voluntarios a las filas constitucionalistas», y a Carranza se le pedía «convertir en leyes las demandas de los obreros organizados».140​ Esto dio origen a los llamados Batallones rojos, grupos militares de trabajadores del Distrito Federal que tendrían por tarea «combatir a los campesinos-militares de la División del Norte y del Ejército Libertador del Sur durante la Revolución mexicana». El encargado de la organización fue el coronel Ignacio Henríquez, quien formó hasta seis batallones con sus cuatro mil y siete mil reclutados aproximadamente.140​ Cabe mencionarse que los batallones tuvieron su mayor participación entre abril y septiembre de 1915.140​ Batalla de Columbus Artículo principal: Batalla de Columbus Ruinas de Columbus, Nuevo México, después del ataque de Villa. En octubre de 1915 el presidente estadounidense le dio el reconocimiento de facto al carrancismo, aunque condicionó tal reconocimiento al «buen comportamiento» que mostrara Carranza hacia los intereses estadounidenses. A partir de ese momento la relación entre Wilson y Carranza mejoró, lo que hizo que Villa se sintiera traicionado por parte del gobierno estadounidense, al mismo tiempo que aseguró que Carranza había aceptado las condiciones estadounidenses a expensas de sacrificar la política y economía de México.142​ El 11 de enero de 1916 un grupo de soldados villistas detuvo un tren en Santa Isabel, Chihuahua asesinando a 17 ciudadanos estadounidenses, mineros e ingenieros, que habían ido al país por invitación de Carranza.143​ Poco antes del amanecer del 10 de mayo de 1916, Villa atacó con 400 hombres el poblado de Columbus, Nuevo México, al grito de «¡Viva México!» y «¡Viva Villa!» y los cuarteles del 13.º regimiento de caballería.144​ Durante el enfrentamiento fallecieron 7 soldados estadounidenses y 7 civiles, mientras el bando estadounidense aseguró haber dado muerte a entre 75 y 100 soldados villistas en suelo mexicano.145​ Expedición punitiva estadounidense Los generales Pershing y Bliss inspeccionan el campamento durante la expedición punitiva. Artículo principal: Expedición punitiva El ataque a Columbus ocasionó que el Congreso de los Estados Unidos diera autorización para castigar a los responsables del ataque, por lo que tropas estadounidenses se internaron en el país. De esta forma, un total 5000 soldados al mando del general John J. Pershing encabezaron una expedición punitiva, de once meses de duración. Durante la expedición los estadounidenses tuvieron altercados con la población civil, como el del 12 de abril en Parral, Chihuahua, e incluso con el ejército carrancista, en junio de 1916 en El Carrizal.146​ Las tropas, que llegaron a contar 15 000 en territorio mexicano,147​ finalmente salieron del país en enero de 1917 sin haber podido encontrar a Villa.148​ Véase también: Batalla de El Carrizal Congreso Constituyente Artículos principales: Congreso Constituyente de México (1917), Constitución Política de los Estados Unidos Mexicanos de 1917 y Congreso Constituyente. A pesar de que Carranza se había levantado contra el gobierno huertista con la promesa de restaurar la Constitución de 1857, optó por redactar una nueva constitución que cumpliera con las promesas hechas a campesinos y obreros durante el conflicto armado, esto con la finalidad de evitar que los principales actores quedaran insatisfechos y de nuevo se creara una inestabilidad social y política.149​ En diciembre de 1916, Carranza, virtual triunfador del conflicto, convocó a un Congreso constituyente formado exclusivamente por seguidores carrancistas y reunidos en la ciudad de Querétaro.150​ Aunque villistas y zapatistas fueron excluidos de esta cita, sus demandas sociales fueron adoptadas (a su manera) por los diputados constituyentes, con el fin de socavar el apoyo popular que aún tenían aquellos.151​ Dicho congreso sesionó hasta el 31 de enero de 1917,152​ tiempo durante el cual Carranza y sus íntimos —de tendencias moderadas— mantuvieron debates con grupos del mismo constitucionalismo de ideas más progresistas —entre los que destacan Pastor Rouaix y Francisco J. Múgica, entre otros—.153​ Entre las diferentes corrientes finalmente se llegó al acuerdo de promulgar la Constitución de 1917 el 5 de febrero, permaneciendo desde entonces vigente en el país.150​ Dentro de los artículos promulgados en la «Constitución» sobresalen:150​ Artículo 3.º: La educación que imparta el Estado debe ser laica, gratuita y obligatoria. Artículo 27.º: El suelo y subsuelo pertenecen a la Nación, no pudiendo ninguna corporación religiosa ser propietaria. Artículo 123.º: Regula las relaciones obrero-patronales en el país, concediéndole autoridad al Estado el derecho de intervenir en conflictos de este tipo. Artículo 130.º: Regula la relación Iglesia-Estado, haciendo la separación y estipulando que los miembros religiosos no pueden poseer bien alguno o participar en la política interna. Un día después, el 6 de febrero, Carranza expidió la convocatoria para realizar elecciones en los tres órdenes de gobierno,152​ las cuales se llevaron a cabo en el mes de marzo. Carranza resultó elegido presidente con el 98 % de la votación para el período 1917-1920154​ y tomó posesión el 1 de mayo de ese mismo año.152​ Actividad revolucionaria y contrarrevolucionaria de 1916 a 1928 Ejércitos rebeldes entre 1916 y 1920. Carranza gobernó de 1917 a 1920, aunque no logró pacificar del todo al país ya que continuaron levantamientos villistas en el norte, zapatistas en el sur,155​ otro movimiento contrarrevolucionario de Félix Díaz que duró hasta mediados de 1920, así como otras rebeliones en Chiapas, Oaxaca y Michoacán.156​ A grandes rasgos se pueden dividir en 3 grupos los movimientos anticarrancistas: los revolucionarios anticonstitucionalistas, en donde destacan los villistas, los zapatistas, los cedillistas en San Luis Potosí,157​ arenistas, ubicados en el estado de Tlaxcala,157​ y los calimayoristas en Chiapas;158​ los contrarrevolucionarios, entre los que se encuentran los pelaecistas, quienes se ubicaron en la costa superior del Golfo de México, los felicistas, quienes apoyaron a Félix Díaz durante su incursión al país por Tamaulipas y lo siguieron posteriormente por Oaxaca, Chiapas y Guatemala y de regreso nuevamente por Veracruz, en una campaña que duraría hasta mediados de 1920, los soberanistas, que operaban en Oaxaca y cuyos principales líderes eran José Inés Dávila y Guillermo Meixueiro, mapachistas y pinedistas, conocidos comúnmente como «finqueros» y que operaban en el estado de Chiapas, y los aguilaristas, que se encontraban en Oaxaca.159​ Finalmente también se encontraban alzados sin banderas, como los altamiranistas, cintoristas y los chavistas, quienes operaban en el estado de Michoacán pero fueron derrotados finalmente el 8 de enero de 1918 en el pequeño municipio de Huandacareo del mismo estado con apenas 83 hombres colocados estratégicamente en el pueblo.160​ Asesinato de Zapata Exhibición del cadáver de Zapata en Cuautla, Morelos. Para acabar con el movimiento de Zapata, Carranza comisionó al general Pablo González Garza para que realizara una campaña de exterminio de la población. Las precarias situaciones de los habitantes, atenuadas por hambrunas y epidemias, también diezmaron a la población pero el movimiento zapatista persistió, por lo que González urdió un plan. Jesús María Guajardo, un coronel auxiliar de González, estando borracho o fingiendo estarlo, arremetió contra Carranza y González, cerciorándose de que un prisionero zapatista lo escuchara y más tarde le permitió huir. Cuando Zapata se enteró de lo dicho por Guajardo, lo invitó a integrarse a sus filas. Luego de una serie de negociaciones y de que Guajardo mandara a asesinar a varios ex zapatistas que se habían integrado a los carrancistas como muestra de sus supuestas intenciones, se concertó una reunión para sellar la supuesta alianza en la hacienda de Chinameca el 10 de abril de 1919. Cuando Zapata cruzó el portón, un clarín tocó el saludo y los diez soldados de la guardia de honor, que presentaban armas, le dispararon simultáneamente. Guajardo fue ascendido a general y recibió de Carranza 50 000 pesos por «notables servicios en el ejercicio de sus funciones militares».161​ Plan de Agua Prieta y asesinato de Carranza Artículo principal: Plan de Agua Prieta Al momento de estar cerca la sucesión presidencial, Carranza favoreció a Ignacio Bonillas como su sucesor e intentó acusar a Obregón de conspiración,162​ lo que ocasionó malestar en Plutarco Elías Calles, Obregón y Adolfo de la Huerta,155​ quienes proclamaron el Plan de Agua Prieta, documento por medio del cual desconocían el gobierno constitucionalista y proclamaba la soberanía del estado de Sonora.162​ Ante la imposibilidad de hacer frente y defender exitosamente la capital ante el inminente ataque del grupo de Sonora, Carranza se dirigió hacia Veracruz con mobiliario del Palacio Nacional, máquinas para imprimir moneda y el erario nacional.163​ Durante el trayecto fue emboscado y asesinado en Tlaxcalantongo, Puebla, el 21 de mayo de 1920.155​ Presidencia interina de Adolfo de la Huerta Tras la muerte de Carranza, Adolfo de la Huerta fue nombrado por el Congreso de la Unión164​ presidente provisional el 1 de junio de 1920.165​ Durante su mandato logró que Francisco Villa dejara la vida militar al firmar los Convenios de Sabinas el 28 de julio de 1920,166​ con lo que se le otorgó la hacienda de Canutillo, en Chihuahua, a donde se retiró para dedicarse a labores del campo.167​ En septiembre convocó a elecciones,164​ en las que Álvaro Obregón fue elegido para asumir la presidencia el 1 de diciembre de ese año.165​ Véase también: Adolfo de la Huerta Asesinato de Villa El 20 de julio de 1923 Francisco Villa, acompañado del coronel Miguel Trillo, Rafael Medrano y Claro Hurtado, además de su asistente, Daniel Tamayo,168​ fue emboscado por Jesús Salas Barraza a la entrada de Parral, muriendo el caudillo a las 8:15 de la mañana en el lugar.169​ Ramón Contreras, miembro también de su guardia personal, fue el único que sobrevivió.168​ Hasta la fecha se han especulado las causas verdaderas de su asesinato, aunque generalmente este es atribuido a órdenes de Obregón o Calles.170​ Retrato de Francisco Villa Presidencias de Álvaro Obregón y Plutarco Elías Calles Artículo principal: Rebelión delahuertista Obregón fue presidente entre 1920 y 1924. De la Huerta quiso ser elegido presidente nuevamente, pero al ver que Obregón favorecía a Plutarco Elías Calles desconoció al gobierno, lo que desencadenó la denominada rebelión delahuertista,165​ que fue apoyada por las dos terceras partes del ejército nacional. El movimiento fracasó y el 11 de marzo de 1924 De la Huerta abandonó el país,164​ exiliándose en Los Ángeles, California.165​ Plutarco Elías Calles fue nombrado presidente para el período de 1924 a 1928, tomando posesión el 1 de diciembre. Durante los dos últimos años de su gobierno la situación interna del país se volvió crítica debido a la posición de Calles respecto a la iglesia católica, lo que provocó el surgimiento de un movimiento armado conocido como «guerra cristera». Poco antes de terminar su mandato se reformaron los artículos 13 y 82, con lo que existiría la posibilidad de que Obregón fuera electo presidente nuevamente.171​ En las elecciones realizadas el 1 de julio de 1928 Obregón resultó victorioso por un amplio margen, pero antes de asumir la presidencia fue asesinado en un restaurante de la Ciudad de México por José de León Toral, un fanático católico.172​ Tras la muerte de Obregón, Calles dio un discurso público en el que aseguró que la etapa de los caudillos llegaba a su fin y comenzaba el de las instituciones. En 1929 fundó el Partido Nacional Revolucionario, posteriormente llamado Partido de la Revolución Mexicana y finalmente Partido Revolucionario Institucional, el cual gobernó al país por 70 años.173​ Véanse también: Álvaro Obregón y Guerra cristera. El porfiriato extendido: la revolución en Yucatán Artículo principal: Revolución mexicana en Yucatán Felipe Carrillo Puerto, gobernador socialista de Yucatán de 1922 a 1924. Tras la salida de Porfirio Díaz del poder, la oligarquía henequenera yucateca (llamada por el mismo Alvarado como "casta divina") siguió ejerciendo enorme influencia en el estado de Yucatán hasta la llegada de Salvador Alvarado en 1915, designado por Carranza como gobernador del estado. Entre sus acciones más importantes están haber promulgado una serie de leyes llamadas "Las Cinco Hermanas" y haber convocado al Primer Congreso Feminista de Yucatán, el primero en México y el segundo en la América Latina. Posterior a Alvarado, Felipe Carrillo Puerto, socialista, fue gobernador de 1922 hasta 1924, cuando fue derrocado y asesinado por las tropas delahuertistas comandadas por Juan Ricárdez Broca y Hermenegildo Rodríguez. Entre las acciones revolucionarias de Carrillo Puerto, están haber fundado la Universidad Nacional del Sureste, promulgado la ley del divorcio y -posiblemente la más recordada-, otorgarle el voto y derecho de ser votadas a las mujeres yucatecas. Fue hermano de la feminista Elvia Carrillo Puerto. Controversias historiográficas Número de muertos No se tiene un número exacto de la cantidad de muertos que hubo durante la Revolución mexicana. La mayoría de las fuentes apuntan que entre un millón,174​175​ y tres millones de personas176​ murieron durante esta etapa de la historia de México. Estas cifras se basan en los datos proporcionados por los censos realizados en el país en los años de 1910 y 1921. El censo de 1910 arrojó una cantidad de 15 160 369 habitantes, mientras que el de 1921 la cantidad de 14 334 780.177​ Esta diferencia aproximada de 1 millón178​ es la que se ha tomado como la cantidad de muertos ocasionados por el conflicto armado, aunque esa cifra está conformada por la gente que murió en combate,179​180​ la disminución de la natalidad,179​ la inmigración a países como los Estados Unidos,179​181​ Guatemala,181​ Cuba181​ y otros de Europa,181​ los muertos a causa de la hambruna,180​ así como los muertos debido a una pandemia desatada en 1918 de gripe española, la cual se asegura llegó a causar la muerte de 450 000 personas.181​ Los estudios demográficos que se realizaron posteriormente sobre el tema subieron la cifra de muertes. De esta manera, Manuel Gamio sostendría que hubo dos millones de muertos, mientras que Gilberto Loyo, padre de la demografía mexicana, elevó el número a dos millones y medio de muertos. Más recientemente, Moisés González Navarro en un estudio inédito bajaría la cifra a 1.9 millones. Mientras, en un estudio estadounidense, Andrew Collver haría variar la estadística de este dato entre 2.5 y 3.1 millones. Sin embargo, el análisis más reconocido es el de 1993, cuando Manuel Ordorica y José Luis Lezama realizaron un análisis demográfico de México, auspiciado por el Consejo Nacional de Población, y llegaron a la cifra de 1.4 millones de muertos, 1.1 millones de nacimientos frustrados, 400 mil emigrados, y medio millón en error censal para un total de 3.4 millones de vidas afectadas por la revolución. Diferencia en las fechas Las fuentes disponibles no concuerdan en cuanto al fin de la Revolución mexicana. Algunas fuentes lo sitúan en el año de 1917, con la proclamación de la Constitución mexicana,1​2​3​ o 1924 con la de Plutarco Elías Calles.4​ Por otro lado, el historiador Alan Knight, de la Universidad de Oxford, incluso asegura que terminó en los años 1940.6​ Cuestionamientos historiográficos Historiadores contemporáneos como Adolfo Gilly,182​ Friedrich Katz, Alan Knight,183​ Macario Schettino o Jean Meyer,184​ han cuestionado los estudios hechos sobre esta etapa, debido a que gran parte de los mismos fueron hechos bajo la óptica fundacional del Partido Revolucionario Institucional,185​ la institucionalización de caudillos y mitos, el hecho de que sus demandas principales no fueran satisfechas e incluso cuestionando si debe denominarse como una revolución. Gilly fue el primero en lanzar la crítica en 1974 al publicar La Revolución Interrumpida, en donde planteó que la revolución popular de Villa y Zapata fue terminada por los grupos liberales de Carranza y Obregón. Legado Cambios sociales La Revolución mexicana conllevó varios cambios sociales. En primer lugar, los dirigentes porfiristas perdieron el poder político, aunque mantuvieron poderío económico, y las clases medias accedieron a la administración pública. “Es el momento en el que nacen el burócrata, el funcionario, el líder […]”.186​ El ejército abrió el sistema sociopolítico y pasó a ser la institución principal de la Revolución. Este ascenso puede observarse en el porcentaje de puestos gubernamentales ocupados por militares: en el gobierno de Madero fue de 0 % mientras que en el de Calles fue de 50 a 60 %.187​ La nueva clase dirigente incrementó su poder económico a través de propiedad de bienes raíces y algunos negocios. Sin embargo, no se convirtieron en una burguesía que invertía su capital a largo plazo sino que más bien acumulaba bienes inmuebles y gastaba en diversión y ostentación.188​ Por otro lado, aunque la proporción de población rural y urbana y el número de obreros y de la clase media se mantuvieron prácticamente iguales, hubo cambios cualitativos en las ciudades. Grandes propietarios rurales se mudaron a las ciudades huyendo del desorden en el campo. Algunos campesinos también emigraron a las urbes, asentándose en los barrios de la antigua élite porfirista pero manteniendo su estilo de vida rural. El nivel de vida en las ciudades creció: pasó de contribuir 42 % al producto interno bruto en 1900 al 60 % en 1940. Sin embargo, la desigualdad social era profunda.189​ El cambio más marcado ocurrió entre la población rural. La reforma agraria permitió a los revolucionarios poseer tierras y surgió una nueva clase de ejidatarios. No obstante, la estructura de propiedad de la tierra no facilitó el desarrollo agrícola y empobreció a los campesinos. “De 1934 a 1940, los salarios reales bajaron 25 % en el campo mientras que los salarios obreros aumentaron en 20 %”.190​ “Faltaba el pan, no había gran cosa que vender y menos aún que comprar. […] sigue la costumbre de dormir en el suelo, […] la dieta se limita al frijol, a la tortilla, al chile; el vestido es pobre”.191​ Los campesinos pasaron a emigrar temporalmente a otras regiones y estados para participar en la producción de ciertos cultivos donde eran frecuentemente maltratados y explotados y sufrían de enfermedades. Otros pasaron a emigrar a Estados Unidos.192​ Desfile del 20 de noviembre En 1928 se realizó una carrera de relevos para celebrar el aniversario del inicio de la Revolución mexicana, realizándose al año siguiente un desfile militar-deportivo en el Campo Militar en Balbuena. Asimismo, en 1930 se realizó el desfile en las calles del centro histórico.193​ In 1936, by decree of the Senate of the Republic, the celebration became official, although it was not until 1941 when the president of Mexico, at that time Manuel Ávila Camacho , led the parade for the first time. 193 As of today, leading figures from the national sport participate in the event (the same day the National Sports Award is presented by the president), the Mexican Navy , the armed forces and the police forces . 194 Museums  Monument to the Revolution in Mexico City . In the Mexican Republic there are several museums and monuments dedicated to this war conflict. Some of them are: Monument to the Revolution .- The monument is located in Mexico City, and was originally planned to be the Legislative Palace, being Porfirio Díaz who laid the first stone on September 23 , 1910. In the monument are the remains of Francisco I Madero, Venustiano Carranza, Francisco Villa, Plutarco Elías Calles and Lázaro Cárdenas . 195 Monument to the Defenders .- The monument is located in the border city of Tijuana , and is dedicated to those who fought the US soldiers during the revolution and on the occasion of the centenary of the birth of Francisco Villa. 196 National Museum of the Revolution .- On November 20, 1986, this museum was inaugurated in the basement of the Monument to the Revolution, 197 under the administration of Miguel de la Madrid . 198 Museum of the Mexican Revolution .- This museum is located in the city of Puebla , and is the former home of Aquiles Serdán. In 1960 the property was up for auction, so the then Secretary of the Interior Gustavo Díaz Ordaz rescued the property and that same year the museum was opened. 199 Historical Museum of the Revolution in Chihuahua .- The museum is located in the old house of Luz Corral , Francisco Villa's widow. In this museum, among other things, the car that the caudillo was driving on the day of his death is exhibited. 200 Museum of the Revolution .- The museum is located in the city of Torreón, Coahuila . It was inaugurated in October 2007 and focuses on the lives of Francisco Villa and Francisco I. Madero. 201 Museum of the Revolution .- This museum is also located in the state of Coahuila, in the city of Saltillo , and focuses on the life of Francisco I. Madero. 202 Museo Sonora en la Revolución .- The museum is located in Ciudad Obregón , in the state of Sonora. It was built in the house of Francisco Obregón Tapia, son of Álvaro Obregón. 203 Centenary of the Revolution  Main article: Centennial of the Mexican Revolution On June 16 of the year 2006 , by decree of the Congress of the Union, the year 2010 was declared as the "year of the bicentennial of the beginning of the movement for national independence and the centennial of the beginning of the Mexican Revolution ", 204 and 29 October of 2007 , by agreement of the LX Legislatureof the Senate of the Republic, the special Commission in charge of the celebrations of the bicentennial of Independence and the centenary of the Mexican Revolution was created, which had the purpose of disseminating the historical processes of Independence and the Revolution and the organization of commemorative events until the end of the festivities. 205 Remains of the first revolutionaries who took up arms located in the old cemetery in Gómez Palacio , Durango . Among the programmed activities were the publishing of books, forums, national and international seminars, advertising campaigns in the media, as well as the broadcasting of programs on radio and television, among others. 206 In addition, to commemorate both events, the federal government erected a commemorative monument called Estela de luz , which is located on Paseo de la Reforma . 207 The "first stone" was laid by President Felipe Calderón Hinojosa . 208 The Mexican Revolution in culture  Novels  Main article: Revolutionary novel There is a series of novels that reproduce this movement that arose between 1910 and 1917 , 209 which, through successive paintings or narrative photographs of what happened, relate the direct experiences of people during the movement. 210 In addition, it should be added that they are those that described the armed movement from its origin and that analytically studied the problems arising from the prosecution during it. 211 The authors further noted such are novel Azuela (this being the first author with his novel The below ) 209 210 212 Rafael M. Munoz , Vasconcelos , Jose Ruben Romero , Martin Luis Guzman , among others. 210 211 The revolutionary novel, as a genre, began to be written in 1928 (although some writings such as those by Mariano Azuela predate this date) 212 and culminated in the mid- 1940s . 209 211 Some of the works: Those below by Mariano Azuela Memoirs of Pancho Villa , The Shadow of the Caudillo and The Eagle and the Serpent by Martín Luis Guzmán The shining of Mauricio Magdaleno Creole Ulises and The Storm by José Vasconcelos Cartucho: Tales of the Struggle in Northern Mexico by Nellie Campobello Movies  During the armed conflict, many Mexican cameramen followed the events of the revolution. One of them was Salvador Toscano, who recorded short films with his Lumière cinematographer, which were joined by his daughter Carmen Toscano, responsible for culminating the 1950 film Memories of a Mexican . 213 Other filmmakers were the Alva Brothers, who followed Francisco I. Madero, 214 and Jesús H. Abitia, a character who accompanied the Northern Division and filmed Álvaro Obregón and Venustiano Carranza, 214 making Epics of the Revolution , the only assembly approved by the Ministry of National Defense as an official version. 213 Starting in the 1930s, the so-called " Golden Age of Mexican Cinema " began in Mexico , 214 a period during which the Mexican Revolution was a recurring theme. Some films that stand out are: 213 214 When Viva Villa Es La Muerte , of the year (1960), with Pedro Armendariz in the role of Pancho Villa. Viva Villa , of the year (1935), with Wallance Berry in the role of Villa. Let's go with Pancho Villa (1935) by Fernando de Fuentes . La Adelita (1937) by Guillermo Hernández G .. With the Dorados de Villa (1939) by Raúl de Anda . If Adelita went with another (1948) by Chano Urueta . Long live Zapata! (1952), starring Marlon Brando as Zapata. The hidden one (1955) by Roberto Gavaldón and with the performance of María Félix . This was Pancho Villa (1957) with the performance of Ismael Rodríguez . Pancho Villa y la Valentina (1958) with the performance of Ismael Rodríguez. When long live Villa! es la muerte (1958) with the performance of Ismael Rodríguez. La Valentina (1966) by Roberto Rodríguez. La soldadera (1966) by José Bolaños and with the performance of Silvia Pinal . Valentín de la Sierra (1968) with Antonio Aguilar Zapata, the hero's dream (2004) by Alfonso Arau . Corrido  Main article: Corrido (Mexico) Corrido dedicated to Francisco I. Madero. During the Mexican Revolution the musical form known as " corrido " had a great boom. 215 This type of musical composition has its origin in the old Spanish romance , being songs that narrate real events, endowed with epic or heroic visions regarding the protagonists or the events. That is why they are often compared to the role of minstrels of the Middle Ages . 216 The corrido was then a popular means of communication, through which the life and work of heroes such as Francisco I. Madero, Emiliano Zapata, Francisco Villa and Felipe Ángeles were told. 216 Some corridos have served as inspiration for wall paintings in Mexico. Two examples are those of Diego Rivera : "The hopes of the homeland for the surrender of Villa" and "Death of Zapata", which are in the building of the Ministry of Public Education . 217 One of the most famous corridos is to La Adelita , whose verses read: 218 If Adelita left with another, she would follow him by land and by sea if it is by sea in a warship if it is by land in a military train. If Adelita wanted to be my wife, and if Adelita were already my wife, I would buy her a silk dress to take her to dance at the barracks. Adelitas  Main article: Adelita Representation of « adelitas », or soldaderas, of the Mexican Revolution. In novels, murals, films and corridos related to the Revolution, a very frequent figure is that of the "Adelitas" or soldaderas, women who were on the battlefield . Although the term soldadera comes from the time of the conquest , it was during the time of the Mexican Revolution that this figure had greater popularity and greater deployment. 219 Women played an important role during this conflict on the battlefields, both in the federal army and in the different revolutionary troops such as those of Villa, Zapata and Carranza. 220 Officially, the adelitas did not have military duties, but rather domestic ones: getting food, cooking and carrying packages and weapons, among other things, 221 although there were some who fought, some even reached the ranks of colonel, lieutenant or captain. 222 Among them are Margarita Neri in Guerrero, Rosa Bobadilla in Morelos or Juana Ramona widow of Flores in Sinaloa, and María de Jesús de la Rosa "la Coronela" in Tamaulipas. 223 Regarding the origin of the term "adelita" to refer to the soldaderas, Tomasa García, a veteran of the Revolution, commented in an interview in 1979: " Adelita was from Ciudad Juárez. The mere Adelita that [...] was very brave ». 224 Main characters  Character Period Notes Porfirio diaz.jpg Porfirio Diaz As December 1 as 1884 to 25 as maypole as 1911 President of Mexico on 3 occasions, the 29 of November of 1876 to the 6 of December of 1876 , of the 18 of February of 1877 to the 30 of November of 1880 and the 1 of December of 1884 to the 25 of maypole of 1911 , date of his resignation and exile. Francisco I Madero-retouched.jpg Francisco I. Madero As November 6 as 1911 to 18 as February as 1913 President of Mexico at the triumph of the 1910 revolution. He launched the manifesto known as Plan de San Luis , in which he called to take up arms against the Diaz government. He was assassinated along with Vice President José María Pino Suárez as a result of the coup d'état organized by Victoriano Huerta . V Huerta.jpg Victoriano Huerta As February 18 as 1913 to 14 as July as 1914 He assumed the presidency of Mexico, after the resignation of Lascuráin. Together with Félix Díaz and in alliance with Henry Lane Wilson , the United States ambassador in Mexico, they had signed the Embassy Pact , which would mean the return of Díaz to the presidency, but this convinced him under the plea to maintain the calm with the maderistas. Pancho villa horseback.jpg Francisco Villa Loyalty to the Antirreeleccionismo from 1911 to 1912 and Division North from 1913 to 1920 Known during the revolution as "El Centauro del Norte", he was one of the leaders of the revolution, whose military action was decisive for the defeat of Victoriano Huerta . He was provisional governor of Chihuahua in 1913 and 1914 . Emiliano Zapata4.jpg Emiliano Zapata Loyal to the Liberation Army of the South from 1911 to 1919 (with his death) He was known as the «Caudillo del Sur», one of the most important military leaders during the revolution, he commanded the Liberation Army of the South . Being unhappy with the government of President Carranza, he allied himself with Jesús Guajardo who was to betray him at the meeting on April 10 , 1919 at the Chinameca Hacienda, in the state of Morelos, where he was ambushed. Venustiano Carranza ca.  1917.jpg Venustiano Carranza As maypole 1 as 1917 to 21 as maypole as 1920 President of Mexico who fought against the Victoriano Huerta regime. During his mandate the Constitution of 1917 was promulgated. He was assassinated in Tlaxcalantongo , Puebla , by the troops of Gral. Rodolfo Herrero , in the course of the Obregonist rebellion. Felipe Angeles.jpg Felipe Angeles Loyal to the Mexican Army from 1883 to 1913 , to the Constitutionalist Army from 1913 to 1914 and to the Northern Division from 1913 to 1915 and from 1918 to 1919 He began as an ally of Francisco I. Madero who appointed him director of the Military College in 1912 ; Upon being captured by Huerta and sentenced to death, he joined forces with Venustiano Carranza, being appointed Secretary of War and later ratified only as Undersecretary due to protests by rebel generals. In 1914 he joined the forces of Francisco Villa , as commander of the Artillery of the Northern Division. Panfilo Natera.jpg Panfilo Natera Loyal to the Constitutionalist Army from 1911 to 1919 He joined the Maderista movement in order to achieve the distribution of land and overthrow Porfirio Díaz, under the mandate of Luis Moya . He participated in the taking of Nieves, in the fighting of San Juan de Guadalupe, Tlaltenango, Jalapa, Zacatecas, Morelos, Fresnillo and Sombrerete. Likewise, he was present at the taking of Torreón, with Francisco Villa, which earned him the appointment of military commander and provisional governor of Zacatecas, and in the face of the revolutionary split he joined forces, for a short time, with the conventionist forces. He chaired the convention in Mexico City; upon his transfer to Aguascalientes he was left in charge of the order of said city. On August 2, 1915, he resigned as governor and did not meet Francisco Villa. Salvador Alvarado.JPG Salvador Alvarado Loyal to the Constitutionalist Army from 1913 to 1920 He led the revolutionary movement to the southeast of Mexico , governing Yucatán on behalf of the Constitutionalist Army from 1915 to 1918 and fed the coffers of the army itself and the Carrancista movement with resources from the henequen industry , then booming in the Yucatan peninsula . He rebelled against Álvaro Obregón after the murder of Venustiano Carranza. He was ambushed in the state of Tabasco in 1924 . Pablo gonzalez-profile.jpg Pablo Gonzalez Garza Loyal to the Constitutionalist Army from 1913 to 1920 Mastermind of the murder of Emiliano Zapata carried out by the then Colonel Jesús Guajardo. In addition, he participated in the Maderista insurrection in 1911 . In 1913 he organized the forces and fought in the state of Coahuila against Pascual Orozco and Victoriano Huerta. Venustiano Carranza appointed him head of the Northeast Army . Pascual Orozco3.png Pascual Orozco Loyal to the Mexican Army from 1913 to 1915 He was a Mexican revolutionary who supported Francisco I. Madero's Plan of San Luis . After the triumph of the revolution, alongside Emiliano Zapata, he rose up against the latter and recognized the coup government of Victoriano Huerta. To Serdán.png Achilles Serdan As November 2 as 1876 to 19 November as as 1910 Since before the beginning of the Mexican Revolution he supported Francisco I. Madero, on July 18, 1909 he founded the political club "Luz y Progreso"; By creating the weekly "La No Reelección", he was commissioned by Madero himself to lead the uprising in Puebla, however he was discovered by the government, ordering the house of the Serdán brothers to be searched, the place where a confrontation broke out, hours later he was assassinated by soldiers who guarded the place. Magon.png Ricardo Flores Magon As maypole 1 as 1892 to 21 November as as 1922 He was a writer, anarcho-syndicalist ideologue and political activist that led him to participate in rallies such as the one held at the Palacio de Minería, participated in the publication of the newspaper "El Demócrata" and later the "Regeneración", "El Hijo del Ahuitzote" in which He was a harsh, permanent and active critic and opposition character against the government of Porfirio Díaz through articles that led him to be imprisoned by the government. He was a permanent and tireless defender of the rights of the working class. Alvaro Obregon.jpg Alvaro Obregon As December 1 as 1920 to 30 November as as 1924 President of Mexico after the departure of Huerta, supported Carranza in the fight against Victoriano Huerta. With the break of Emiliano Zapata and Francisco Villa with Carranza, he remained loyal to the latter. He was in charge of pursuing Villa to the north of the country, where he defeated him in the Battle of Celaya, losing his right arm as a result of a bomb. He was assassinated by José de León Toral , on July 17 , at the "La Bombilla" restaurant in Mexico City. Plutarco Elias Calles.jpg Plutarco Elías Calles As December 1 as 1924 to 30 November as as 1928 President of Mexico known as the "Maximum Chief of the Revolution", succeeded Obregón as president and during his tenure the Bank of Mexico was created , founded the Ejidal and Agrícola banks, and restored the Chapingo School of Agronomy. With him the so-called Cristero War began, he played a key role in the management of politics in Mexico and at that time he was known as Maximato (1928-1934). Jose Maria Pino Suarez.jpg Jose Maria Pino Suarez As September 8 as 1869 to 22 February as as 1913 He was born in Tenosique, Tabasco, he studied Lawyer's career. He joined the Anti-Reelection Party participating in the Madero campaign, and also organized opposition groups in Tabasco and Yucatán. At the outbreak of the Revolution, he was appointed provisional governor of Yucatán, he left this position to occupy that of the vice-presidency of the Republic. He was assassinated along with Madero in Mexico City. ] Mexico,[a][b] officially the United Mexican States,[c] is a country in the southern portion of North America. It is bordered to the north by the United States; to the south and west by the Pacific Ocean; to the southeast by Guatemala, Belize, and the Caribbean Sea; and to the east by the Gulf of Mexico.[10] Mexico covers 1,972,550 square kilometers (761,610 sq mi),[11] making it the world's 13th-largest country by area; with approximately 126,014,024 inhabitants,[1] it is the 10th-most-populous country and has the most Spanish-speakers. Mexico is organized as a federal republic comprising 31 states and Mexico City, its capital. Other major urban areas include Monterrey, Guadalajara, Puebla, Toluca, Tijuana, Ciudad Juárez, and León.[12] Pre-Columbian Mexico traces its origins to 8,000 BCE and is identified as one of the world's six cradles of civilization.[13] In particular, the Mesoamerican region was home to many intertwined civilizations; including the Olmec, Maya, Zapotec, Teotihuacan, and Purepecha. Last were the Aztecs, who dominated the region in the century before European contact. In 1521, the Spanish Empire and its indigenous allies conquered the Aztec Empire from its capital Tenochtitlan (now Mexico City), establishing the colony of New Spain.[14] Over the next three centuries, Spain and the Catholic Church played an important role expanding the territory, enforcing Christianity and spreading the Spanish language throughout.[15] With the discovery of rich deposits of silver in Zacatecas and Guanajuato, New Spain soon became one of the most important mining centers worldwide. Wealth coming from Asia and the New World contributed to Spain's status as a major world power for the next centuries, and brought about a price revolution in Western Europe.[16] The colonial order came to an end in the early nineteenth century with the War of Independence against Spain. Mexico's early history as an independent nation state was marked by political and socioeconomic upheaval, both domestically and in foreign affairs. The country was invaded by two foreign powers during the 19th century: first, by the United States as a consequence of the Texas Revolt by American settlers, which led to the Mexican–American War and huge territorial losses in 1848.[17] After the introduction of liberal reforms in the Constitution of 1857, conservatives reacted with the war of Reform and prompted France to invade the country and install an Empire, against the Republican resistance led by liberal President Benito Juárez, which emerged victorious. The last decades of the 19th century were dominated by the dictatorship of Porfirio Díaz, who sought to modernize Mexico and restore order.[18] However, the Porfiriato era led to great social unrest and ended with the outbreak in 1910 of the decade-long Mexican Revolution (civil war). This conflict had profound changes in Mexican society, including the proclamation of the 1917 Constitution, which remains in effect to this day. The remaining war generals ruled as a succession of presidents until the Institutional Revolutionary Party (PRI) emerged in 1929. The PRI in turn governed Mexico for the next 70 years, first under a set of paternalistic developmental policies of considerable economic success. During World War II Mexico also played an important role for the U.S. war effort.[19][20] Nonetheless, the PRI regime resorted to repression and electoral fraud to maintain power; and moved the country to a more US-aligned neoliberal economic policy during the late 20th century. This culminated with the signing of the North American Free Trade Agreement in 1994, which caused a major indigenous rebellion in the state of Chiapas. PRI lost the presidency for the first time in 2000, against the conservative party (PAN). Mexico is a developing country, ranking 74th on the Human Development Index, but has the world's 15th-largest economy by nominal GDP and the 11th-largest by PPP, with the United States being its largest economic partner. Its large economy and population, cultural influence, and steady democratization make Mexico a regional and middle power;[21][22][23][24] it is often identified as an emerging power but is considered a newly industrialized state by several analysts.[25][26][27][28][29] Mexico ranks first in the Americas and seventh in the world for the number of UNESCO World Heritage Sites.[30] It is also one of the world's 17 megadiverse countries, ranking fifth in natural biodiversity.[31] Mexico's rich cultural and biological heritage, as well as varied climate and geography, makes it a major tourist destination: as of 2018, it was the sixth most-visited country in the world, with 39 million international arrivals.[32] However, the country continues to struggle with social inequality, poverty and extensive crime. It ranks poorly on the Global Peace Index,[33] due in large part to ongoing conflict between the government and drug trafficking syndicates, which violently compete for the US drug market and trade routes. This "drug war" has led to over 120,000 deaths since 2006.[34] Mexico is a member of United Nations, the G20, the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD), the World Trade Organization (WTO), the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation forum, the Organization of American States, Community of Latin American and Caribbean States, and the Organization of Ibero-American States. Contents 1 Etymology 2 History 2.1 Indigenous civilizations before European contact (pre-1519) 2.2 Conquest of the Aztec Empire (1519–1521) 2.3 Colonial era (1521–1821) 2.4 Independence era (1808–1821) 2.5 Early Post-Independence (1821–1855) 2.6 Liberal era (1855–1911) 2.7 Mexican Revolution (1910–1920) 2.8 Political consolidation and one-party rule (1920–2000) 2.9 Contemporary Mexico 3 Geography 3.1 Geographical characteristics 3.2 Climate 3.3 Biodiversity 4 Government and politics 4.1 Government 4.2 Politics 4.3 Foreign relations 4.4 Military 4.5 Law enforcement and crime 4.6 Administrative divisions 5 Economy 5.1 Communications 5.2 Energy 5.3 Science and technology 5.4 Tourism 5.5 Transportation 6 Demographics 6.1 Ethnicity and race 6.2 Languages 6.3 Emigration and immigration 6.4 Urban areas 6.5 Religion 6.6 Health 6.7 Education 7 Culture 7.1 Visual art 7.2 Literature 7.3 Cinema 7.4 Media 7.5 Cuisine 7.6 Music and dance 7.7 Sports 8 See also 9 Notes 10 References 11 Further reading 12 External links Etymology Main article: Name of Mexico Mēxihco is the Nahuatl term for the heartland of the Aztec Empire, namely the Valley of Mexico and surrounding territories, with its people being known as the Mexica. The terms are plainly linked; it is generally believed that the toponym for the valley was the origin of the primary ethnonym for the Aztec Triple Alliance, but it may have been the other way around.[35] In the colonial era (1521-1821) Mexico was called New Spain. In the eighteenth century, this central region became the Intendency of Mexico, during the reorganization of the empire, the Bourbon Reforms. After New Spain achieved independence from the Spanish Empire in 1821 and became a sovereign state, the territory came to be known as the State of Mexico, with the new country being named after its capital: Mexico City, which itself was founded in 1524 on the site of the ancient Mexica capital of Mexico-Tenochtitlan. The official name of the country has changed as the form of government has changed. The declaration of independence signed on 6 November 1813 by the deputies of the Congress of Anáhuac called the territory América Septentrional (Northern America); the 1821 Plan of Iguala also used América Septentrional. On two occasions (1821–1823 and 1863–1867), the country was known as Imperio Mexicano (Mexican Empire). All three federal constitutions (1824, 1857 and 1917, the current constitution) used the name Estados Unidos Mexicanos[36]—or the variant Estados-Unidos Mexicanos,[37] all of which have been translated as "United Mexican States". The phrase República Mexicana, "Mexican Republic", was used in the 1836 Constitutional Laws.[38] History Main article: History of Mexico See also: History of the Catholic Church in Mexico, Economic history of Mexico, History of democracy in Mexico, History of Mexico City, and Military history of Mexico Indigenous civilizations before European contact (pre-1519) Main articles: Pre-Columbian Mexico and Mesoamerican chronology View of the Pyramid of the Sun in the ancient city-state of Teotihuacan, wich was the 6th largest city in the world at its peak (1 AD to 500 AD) Temple of Kukulcán (El Castillo) in the maya city of Chichen Itza Mural by Diego Rivera depicting a view from the Tlatelolco markets into Mexico-Tenochtitlan, the largest city in the Americas at the time. The prehistory of Mexico stretches back millennia. The earliest human artifacts in Mexico are chips of stone tools found near campfire remains in the Valley of Mexico and radiocarbon-dated to circa 10,000 years ago.[39] Mexico is the site of the domestication of maize, tomato, and beans, which produced an agricultural surplus. This enabled the transition from paleo-Indian hunter-gatherers to sedentary agricultural villages beginning around 5000 BCE.[40] In the subsequent formative eras, maize cultivation and cultural traits such as a mythological and religious complex, and a vigesimal (base 20) numeric system, were diffused from the Mexican cultures to the rest of the Mesoamerican culture area.[41] In this period, villages became more dense in terms of population, becoming socially stratified with an artisan class, and developing into chiefdoms. The most powerful rulers had religious and political power, organizing the construction of large ceremonial centers.[42] The earliest complex civilization in Mexico was the Olmec culture, which flourished on the Gulf Coast from around 1500 BCE. Olmec cultural traits diffused through Mexico into other formative-era cultures in Chiapas, Oaxaca and the Valley of Mexico. The formative period saw the spread of distinct religious and symbolic traditions, as well as artistic and architectural complexes.[43] The formative-era of Mesoamerica is considered one of the six independent cradles of civilization.[44] In the subsequent pre-classical period, the Maya and Zapotec civilizations developed complex centers at Calakmul and Monte Albán, respectively. During this period the first true Mesoamerican writing systems were developed in the Epi-Olmec and the Zapotec cultures. The Mesoamerican writing tradition reached its height in the Classic Maya Hieroglyphic script. The earliest written histories date from this era. The tradition of writing was important after the Spanish conquest in 1521, with indigenous scribes learning to write their languages in alphabetic letters, while also continuing to create pictorial texts.[45][46] In Central Mexico, the height of the classic period saw the ascendancy of Teotihuacán, which formed a military and commercial empire whose political influence stretched south into the Maya area as well as north. Teotihuacan, with a population of more than 150,000 people, had some of the largest pyramidal structures in the pre-Columbian Americas.[47] After the collapse of Teotihuacán around 600 AD, competition ensued between several important political centers in central Mexico such as Xochicalco and Cholula. At this time, during the Epi-Classic, Nahua peoples began moving south into Mesoamerica from the North, and became politically and culturally dominant in central Mexico, as they displaced speakers of Oto-Manguean languages. During the early post-classic era (ca. 1000–1519 CE), Central Mexico was dominated by the Toltec culture, Oaxaca by the Mixtec, and the lowland Maya area had important centers at Chichén Itzá and Mayapán. Toward the end of the post-Classic period, the Mexica established dominance, establishing a political and economic empire based in the city of Tenochtitlan (modern Mexico City), extending from central Mexico to the border with Guatemala.[48] Alexander von Humboldt popularized the modern usage of "Aztec" as a collective term applied to all the people linked by trade, custom, religion, and language to the Mexica state and Ēxcān Tlahtōlōyān, the Triple Alliance.[49] In 1843, with the publication of the work of William H. Prescott, it was adopted by most of the world, including 19th-century Mexican scholars who considered it a way to distinguish present-day Mexicans from pre-conquest Mexicans. This usage has been the subject of debate since the late 20th century.[50] The Aztec empire was an informal or hegemonic empire because it did not exert supreme authority over the conquered territories; it was satisfied with the payment of tributes from them. It was a discontinuous empire because not all dominated territories were connected; for example, the southern peripheral zones of Xoconochco were not in direct contact with the center. The hegemonic nature of the Aztec empire was demonstrated by their restoration of local rulers to their former position after their city-state was conquered. The Aztec did not interfere in local affairs, as long as the tributes were paid.[51] The Aztec of Central Mexico built a tributary empire covering most of central Mexico.[52] The Aztec were noted for practicing human sacrifice on a large scale. Along with this practice, they avoided killing enemies on the battlefield. Their warring casualty rate was far lower than that of their Spanish counterparts, whose principal objective was immediate slaughter during battle.[53] This distinct Mesoamerican cultural tradition of human sacrifice ended with the gradually Spanish conquest in the 16th century. Other Mexican indigenous cultures were conquered and gradually subjected to Spanish colonial rule.[54] Since the colonial era and through to the twenty-first century, the indigenous roots of Mexican history and culture are essential to Mexican identity. The National Museum of Anthrology in Mexico City is the showcase of the nation's prehispanic glories. Historian Enrique Florescano calls it "a national treasure and a symbol of identity. The museum is the synthesis of an ideological, scientific, and political feat."[55] Mexican Nobel laureate Octavio Paz said of the museum that the "exaltation and glorification of Mexico-Tenochtitlan transforms the Museum of Anthropology into a temple."[56] Mexico pursued international recognition of its prehispanic heritage, and has a large number of UNESCO World Heritage Sites, the largest in the hemisphere. The existence of high indigenous civilization prior to the arrival of Europeans has also had an impact on European thought.[57] Conquest of the Aztec Empire (1519–1521) Further information: Spanish conquest of Mexico Storming of the Teocalli by Cortez and his Troops (1848) Although the Spanish had established colonies in the Caribbean starting in 1493, only in the second decade of the sixteenth century did they begin exploring the east coast of Mexico. The Spanish first learned of Mexico during the Juan de Grijalva expedition of 1518. The Spanish conquest of the Aztec Empire began in February 1519 when Hernán Cortés landed on the Gulf Coast and founded the Spanish city of Veracruz. Around 500 conquistadores, along with horses, cannons, swords, and long guns gave the Spanish some technological advantages over indigenous warriors, but key to the Spanish victory was making strategic alliances with disgruntled indigenous city-states (altepetl) who fought with them against the Aztec Triple Alliance. Also important to the Spanish victory was Cortés's cultural translator, Malinche, a Nahua woman enslaved in the Maya area whom the Spanish acquired as a gift. She quickly learned Spanish and gave strategic advice about how to deal with both indigenous allies and indigenous foes.[58] The unconquered city-state of Tlaxcala allied with the Spanish against their enemy, the Aztecs of Tenochtitlan. The Spanish also gained other indigenous allies, who joined in the war for their own reasons. The Spanish conquest is well documented from multiple points of view. There are accounts by the Spanish leader Cortés[59] and multiple other Spanish participants, including Bernal Díaz del Castillo.[60][61] There are indigenous accounts in Spanish, Nahuatl, and pictorial narratives by allies of the Spanish, most prominently the Tlaxcalans, as well as Texcocans[62] and Huejotzincans, and the defeated Mexica themselves, recorded in the last volume of Bernardino de Sahagún's General History of the Things of New Spain.[63][64][65] Smallpox depicted by an indigenous artist in the 1576 Florentine Codex When the Spaniards made landfall in 1519, the ruler of the Aztec empire was Moctezuma II, who after a delay allowed the Spanish to proceed inland to Tenochtitlan. The Spanish captured him, holding him hostage. He died while in their custody and the Spanish retreated from Tenochtitlan in great disarray. His successor and brother Cuitláhuac took control of the Aztec empire, but was among the first to fall from the first smallpox epidemic in the area a short time later.[66] Unintentionally introduced by Spanish conquerors, among whom smallpox, measles, and other contagious diseases were endemic, epidemics of Old World infectious diseases ravaged Mesoamerica starting in the 1520s. The exact number of deaths is disputed, but unquestionably more than 3 million natives who had no immunity.[67] Severely weakened, the inhabitants of Tenochtitlan fought to the death as Cortés and his indigenous allies besieged and bombarded Tenochtitlan. Under the supervision of a Spanish conquistador who was a shipbuilder, indigenous allies had constructed vessels with cannons mounted on them that could control the central lake system. Aztec emperor Cuauhtemoc was captured by the Spanish, and the Aztec empire defeated on 13 August 1521. Cortés made the decision to establish the razed site of the Aztec capital to be the capital of what he called New Spain. With the defeat of the Aztec empire, the Spanish continued on further expeditions of exploration, conquest, and settlement until the end of the sixteenth century. Colonial era (1521–1821) Main article: New Spain View of the Plaza Mayor (today Zócalo) in Mexico City (ca. 1695) by Cristóbal de Villalpando The 1521 capture of Tenochtitlan and immediate founding of the Spanish capital Mexico City on its ruins was the beginning of a 300-year-long colonial era during which Mexico was known as Nueva España (New Spain). Two factors made Mexico a jewel in the Spanish Empire: the existence of large, hierarchically-organized Mesoamerican populations that rendered tribute and performed obligatory labor and the discovery of vast silver deposits in northern Mexico.[68] The Kingdom of New Spain was created from the remnants of the Aztec empire. The two pillars of Spanish rule were the State and the Roman Catholic Church, both under the authority of the Spanish crown. In 1493 the pope had granted sweeping powers to the Spanish monarchy for its overseas empire, with the proviso that the crown spread Christianity in its new realms. In 1524, King Charles I created the Council of the Indies based in Spain to oversee State power its overseas territories; in New Spain the crown established a high court in Mexico City, the Real Audiencia, and then in 1535 created the Viceroyalty of New Spain. The viceroy was highest official of the State. In the religious sphere, the diocese of Mexico was created in 1530 and elevated to the Archdiocese of Mexico in 1546, with the archbishop as the head of the ecclesiastical hierarchy, overseeing Roman Catholic clergy. Castilian Spanish was the language of rulers. The Catholic faith the only one permitted, with non-Catholics (Jews and Protestants) and Catholics (excluding Indians) holding unorthodox views being subject to the Mexican Inquisition, established in 1571.[69] In the first half-century of Spanish rule, a network of Spanish cities was created, sometimes on pre-Columbian sites where there were dense indigenous populations. The capital Mexico City was and remains the premier city, but other cities founded in the sixteenth century remain important, including Puebla, Guadalajara, Guanajuato, Zacatecas, Oaxaca, and the port of Veracruz. Cities and towns were hubs of civil officials, ecclesiastics, business, Spanish elites, and mixed-race and indigenous artisans and workers. When deposits of silver were discovered in sparsely populated northern Mexico, far from the dense populations of central Mexico, the Spanish secured the region against fiercely resistant indigenous Chichimecas. The Viceroyalty at its greatest extent included the territories of modern Mexico, Central America as far south as Costa Rica, and the western United States. The Viceregal capital Mexico City also administrated the Spanish West Indies (the Caribbean), the Spanish East Indies (that is, the Philippines), and Spanish Florida. In 1819, the Spain signed the Adams-Onís Treaty with the United States, setting New Spain's northern boundary.[70] New Spain was essential to the Spanish global trading system. White represents the route of the Spanish Manila Galleons in the Pacific and the Spanish convoys in the Atlantic. (Blue represents Portuguese routes.) The rich deposits of silver, particularly in Zacatecas and Guanajuato, resulted in silver extraction dominating the economy of New Spain. Mexican silver pesos became the first globally used currency. Taxes on silver production became a major source of income for the Spanish monarchy. Other important industries were the agricultural and ranching haciendas and mercantile activities in the main cities and ports.[71] As a result of its trade links with Asia, the rest of the Americas, Africa and Europe and the profound effect of New World silver, central Mexico was one of the first regions to be incorporated into a globalized economy. Being at the crossroads of trade, people and cultures, Mexico City has been called the "first world city".[72] The Nao de China (Manila Galleons) operated for two and a half centuries and connected New Spain with Asia. Silver and the red dye cochineal were shipped from Veracruz to Atlantic ports in the Americas and Spain. Veracruz was also the main port of entry in mainland New Spain for European goods, immigrants from Spain, and African slaves. The Camino Real de Tierra Adentro connected Mexico City with the interior of New Spain. The population of Mexico was overwhelmingly indigenous and rural during the entire colonial period and beyond, despite the massive decrease in their numbers due to epidemic diseases. Diseases such as smallpox, measles, and others were introduced by Europeans and African slaves, especially in the sixteenth century. The indigenous population stabilized around one to one and a half million individuals in the 17th century from the most commonly accepted five to thirty million pre-contact population.[73] During the three hundred years of the colonial era, Mexico received between 400,000 and 500,000 Europeans,[74] between 200,000 and 250,000 African slaves.[75] and between 40,000 and 120,000 Asians.[76][77] Under Viceroy Revillagigedo the first comprehensive census was created in 1793, with racial classifications. Although most of its original datasets have reportedly been lost, thus most of what is known about it comes from essays and field investigations made by scholars who had access to the census data and used it as reference for their works such as German scientist Alexander von Humboldt. Europeans ranged from 18% to 22% of New Spain's population, Mestizos from 21% to 25%, Indians from 51% to 61% and Africans were between 6,000 and 10,000. The total population ranged from 3,799,561 to 6,122,354. It is concluded that the population growth trends of whites and mestizos were even, while the percentage of the indigenous population decreased at a rate of 13%–17% per century, mostly due to the latter having higher mortality rates from living in remote locations and being in constant war with the colonists.[78] Independence-era Mexico eliminated the legal basis for the hierarchical system of racial classification, although the racial/ethnic labels continued to be used. Luis de Mena, Virgin of Guadalupe and castas, showing race mixture and hierarchy as well as fruits of the realm,[79] ca. 1750 Colonial law with Spanish roots was introduced and attached to native customs creating a hierarchy between local jurisdiction (the Cabildos) and the Spanish Crown. Upper administrative offices were closed to native-born people, even those of pure Spanish blood (criollos). Administration was based on the racial separation. Society was organized in a racial hierarchy, with whites on top, mixed-race persons and blacks in the middle, and indigenous at the bottom. There were formal legal designations of racial categories. The Republic of Spaniards (República de Españoles) comprised European- and American-born Spaniards, mixed-race castas, and black Africans. The Republic of Indians (República de Indios) comprised the indigenous populations, which the Spanish lumped under the term Indian (indio), a Spanish colonial social construct which indigenous groups and individuals rejected as a category. Spaniards were exempt from paying tribute, Spanish men had access to higher education, could hold civil and ecclesiastical offices, were subject to the Inquisition, and liable for military service when the standing military was established in the late eighteenth century. Indigenous paid tribute, but were exempt from the Inquisition, indigenous men were excluded from the priesthood; and exempt from military service. Although the racial system appears fixed and rigid, there was some fluidity within it, and racial domination of whites was not complete.[80] Since the indigenous population of New Spain was so large, there was less labor demand for expensive black slaves than other parts of Spanish America.[81][82] In the late eighteenth century the crown instituted reforms that privileged Iberian-born Spaniards (peninsulares) over American-born (criollos), limiting their access to offices. This discrimination between the two became a sparking point of discontent for white elites in the colony.[83] The Marian apparition of the Virgin of Guadalupe said to have appeared to the indigenous Juan Diego in 1531 gave impetus to the evangelization of central Mexico.[84][85] The Virgin of Guadalupe became a symbol for American-born Spaniards' (criollos) patriotism, seeking in her a Mexican source of pride, distinct from Spain.[86] The Virgin of Guadalupe was invoked by the insurgents for independence who followed Father Miguel Hidalgo during the War of Independence.[85] Spanish military forces, sometimes accompanied by native allies, led expeditions to conquer territory or quell rebellions through the colonial era. Notable Amerindian revolts in sporadically populated northern New Spain include the Chichimeca War (1576–1606),[87] Tepehuán Revolt (1616–1620),[88] and the Pueblo Revolt (1680), the Tzeltal Rebellion of 1712 was a regional Maya revolt.[89] Most rebellions were small-scale and local, posing no major threat to the ruling elites.[90] To protect Mexico from the attacks of English, French, and Dutch pirates and protect the Crown's monopoly of revenue, only two ports were open to foreign trade—Veracruz on the Atlantic and Acapulco on the Pacific. Among the best-known pirate attacks are the 1663 Sack of Campeche[91] and 1683 Attack on Veracruz.[92] Of greater concern to the crown was of foreign invasion, especially after Britain seized in 1762 the Spanish ports of Havana, Cuba and Manila, the Philippines in the Seven Years' War. It created a standing military, increased coastal fortifications, and expanded the northern presidios and missions into Alta California. The volatility of the urban poor in Mexico City was evident in the 1692 riot in the Zócalo. The riot over the price of maize escalated to a full-scale attack on the seats of power, with the viceregal palace and the archbishop's residence attacked by the mob.[80] Independence era (1808–1821) Main article: Mexican War of Independence Siege of the Alhondiga de Granaditas, Guanajuato, 28 Sept. 1810. The upheaval in the Spanish Empire that resulted in the independence of most of its New World territories was due to Napoleon Bonaparte's invasion of Spain in 1808. Napoleon forced the abdication of the Spanish monarch Charles IV and imposed of his brother Joseph Bonaparte as the Spanish king. Now with an alien usurper on the Spanish throne, there was a crisis of legitimacy of the monarchy, resulting in various responses in both Spain and Spanish America. In Mexico, elites argued that sovereignty now reverted to "the people" and that town councils (cabildos) were the most representative bodies. American-born Spaniards petitioned the viceroy José de Iturrigaray (1803–08) to convene a junta to determine rule in Mexico in the current political crisis. Although Peninsular-born Spaniards were opposed to the plan, the viceroy called together wealthy landowners, miners, merchants, ecclesiastics, academics, and members of cabildos. They failed to come to agreement, and in the meantime, Peninsular-born Spaniards took the initiative, arresting Iturrigaray and leading creole elites in the capital. The coup ended what could have been a peaceful process toward political autonomy in Mexico. Creoles now sought extralegal means to achieve their political aspirations.[93] On 16 September 1810, secular priest Miguel Hidalgo y Costilla declared against "bad government" in the small town of Dolores, Guanajuato. This event, known as the Cry of Dolores (Spanish: Grito de Dolores) is commemorated each year, on 16 September, as Mexico's independence day.[94] The first insurgent group was formed by Hidalgo, army captain Ignacio Allende, the militia captain Juan Aldama and the wife of the local magistrate (Corregidor) Josefa Ortiz de Domínguez, known as La Corregidora. Hidalgo's local declaration sparked a huge revolt of the masses, an uncontrollable uprising targeting the persons and property of white elites, whether Peninsular- or American-born. Famously in Guanajuato, elites took refuge in the central grain storage (alhondiga), bringing their treasure, attempted to hold out against Hidalgo's followers, but were slaughtered. In an event emblematic of the war of independence, "Hidalgo's capture of the great silver city of Guanajuato on September 28, 1810, is the most famous single episode of the decade-long insurgency."[95] Hidalgo and some of his soldiers were eventually captured, Hidalgo was defrocked, and they were executed by firing squad in Chihuahua, on 31 July 1811. The heads of the executed rebels were subsequently displayed on the granary. Following Hidalgo's death, Ignacio López Rayón and then by the priest José María Morelos assumed the leadership, occupying key southern cities with the support of Mariano Matamoros and Nicolás Bravo. In 1813 the Congress of Chilpancingo was convened and, on 6 November, signed the "Solemn Act of the Declaration of Independence of Northern America". This Act also called for the abolition of slavery and the system of racial hierarchy, and Roman Catholicism the sole religion. Morelos was captured and executed on 22 December 1815. Flag of the Army of the Three Guarantees, the force formed by ex-royalist Iturbide and insurgent Vicente Guerrero in February 1821 In subsequent years, the insurgency was a stalemate, but in 1820 when Spanish liberals seized power in Spain, and Mexican conservatives worried about the imposition of liberal principles overseas, including curtailment of the power of the Catholic Church. Royalist criollo general Agustín de Iturbide was to continue fighting against Vicente Guerrero and insurgents in the south. Instead of attacking Guerrero, Itubide approached Guerrero to join forces to seize power in Mexico. Iturbide issued the Plan of Iguala on 24 February 1821. Sometimes called the Act of Independence, it called for Roman Catholicism as the nation's sole religion; the establishment of a constitutional monarchy; and the equality of those born in Spain and those born in Mexico, the "three guarantees" can be summarized as "religion, independence, and union". All were to be equal citizens in the new sovereign nation, regardless of place of birth or racial category, a requirement that Guerrero, the mixed-race leader of the insurgency, insisted on for his joining with Iturbide. The flag of the newly formed Army of the Three Guarantees has evolved into today's Mexican flag. On 24 August 1821 in incoming Viceroy and Iturbide signed the Treaty of Córdoba and the Declaration of Independence of the Mexican Empire", which recognized the independence of Mexico under the terms of the Plan of Iguala. The Spanish crown repudiated the 1821 treaty and did not formally recognize the independence of Mexico until 1836. Early Post-Independence (1821–1855) Main articles: First Mexican Empire, First Mexican Republic, Centralist Republic of Mexico, and Mexican-American War Map of the First Mexican Empire The first 35 years after Mexico's independence were marked by political instability and the changing of the Mexican state from a transient monarchy to a fragile federated republic.[96] There were military coups d'état, foreign invasions, ideological conflict between Conservatives and Liberals, and economic stagnation. Catholicism remained the only permitted religious faith and the Catholic Church as an institution retained its special privileges, prestige, and property, a bulwark of Conservatism. The army, another Conservative-dominated institution, also retained its privileges. Former Royal Army General Agustín de Iturbide, became regent, as newly independent Mexico sought a constitutional monarch from Europe. When no member of a European royal house desired the position, Iturbide himself was declared Emperor Agustín I. The young and weak United States was the first country to recognize Mexico's independence, sending an ambassador to the court of the emperor and sending a message to Europe via the Monroe Doctrine not to intervene in Mexico. The emperor's rule was short (1822–23) and he was overthrown by army officers in the Plan of Casa Mata.[97] After the forced abdication of the monarch, the First Mexican Republic was established. In 1824, a constitution of a federated republic was promulgated and former insurgent General Guadalupe Victoria became the first president of the republic, the first of many army generals to holding the presidency of Mexico. Central America, including Chiapas, left the union. In 1829, former insurgent general and fierce Liberal Vicente Guerrero, a signatory of the Plan de Iguala that achieved independence, became president in a disputed election. During his short term in office, April to December 1829, he abolished slavery. As a visibly mixed-race man of modest origins, Guerrero was seen by white political elites as an interloper.[98] His Conservative vice president, former Royalist General Anastasio Bustamante, led a coup against him and Guerrero was judicially murdered.[99] There was constant strife between Liberals, supporters of a federal form of decentralized government and often called Federalists and their political rivals, the Conservatives, who proposed a hierarchical form of government, were termed Centralists. General Antonio López de Santa Anna Mexico's ability to maintain its independence and establish a viable government was in question. Spain attempted to reconquer its former colony during the 1820s, but eventually recognized its independence. France attempted to recoup losses it claimed for its citizens during Mexico's unrest and blockaded the Gulf Coast during the so-called Pastry War of 1838–39.[100] Antonio López de Santa Anna lost a leg in combat during this conflict, which he used for political purposes to show his sacrifice for the nation. Emerging as a national hero in defending Mexico was creole army general, fought the Spanish invasion, Santa Anna came to dominate the politics for the next 25 years, often known as the "Age of Santa Anna", until his own overthrow in 1855.[101] Mexico also contended with indigenous groups which controlled territory that Mexico claimed in the north. The Comanche controlled a huge territory in the sparsely populated region of central and northern Texas.[102] Wanting to stabilize and develop the frontier, the Mexican government encouraged Anglo-American immigration into present-day Texas. The region bordered the United States, and was territory controlled by Comanches. There were few settlers from central Mexico moving to this remote and hostile territory. Mexico by law was a Catholic country; the Anglo Americans were primarily Protestant English speakers from the southern United States. Some brought their black slaves, which after 1829 was contrary to Mexican law. Santa Anna sought to centralize government rule, suspending the constitution and promulgating the Seven Laws, which place power in his hands. When he suspended the 1824 Constitution, civil war spread across the country. Three new governments declared independence: the Republic of Texas, the Republic of the Rio Grande and the Republic of Yucatán.[103]: 129–137  The largest blow to Mexico was the U.S. invasion of Mexico in 1846 in the Mexican–American War. Mexico lost much of its sparsely populated northern territory, sealed in the 1848 Treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo. Despite that disastrous loss, Conservative Santa Anna returned to the presidency yet again and then was ousted and exiled in the Liberal Revolution of Ayutla. Liberal era (1855–1911) Main articles: Second Mexican Republic, La Reforma, Second Mexican Empire, Restored Republic (Mexico), and Porfiriato Portrait of Liberal President Benito Juárez The overthrow of Santa Anna and the establishment of a civilian government by Liberals allowed them to enact laws that they considered vital for Mexico's economic development. It was a prelude to more civil wars and yet another foreign invasion. The Liberal Reform attempted to modernize Mexico's economy and institutions along liberal principles. They promulgated a new Constitution of 1857, separating Church and State, stripping the Conservative institutions of the Church and the military of their special privileges (fueros); mandating the sale of Church-owned property and sale of indigenous community lands, and secularizing education.[104] Conservatives revolted, touching off civil war between rival Liberal and Conservative governments (1858–61). The Liberals defeated the Conservative army on the battlefield, but Conservatives sought another solution to gain power via foreign intervention by the French. Mexican conservatives asked Emperor Napoleon III to place a European monarch as head of state in Mexico. The French Army defeated the Mexican Army and placed Maximilian Hapsburg on the newly established throne of Mexico, supported by Mexican Conservatives and propped up by the French Army. The Liberal republic under Benito Juárez was basically a government in internal exile, but with the end of the Civil War in the U.S. in April 1865, that government began aiding the Mexican Republic. Two years later, the French Army withdrew its support, Maximilian remained in Mexico rather than return to Europe. Republican forces captured him and he was executed in Querétaro, along with two Conservative Mexican generals. The "Restored Republic" saw the return of Juárez, who was "the personification of the embattled republic,"[105] as president. The Conservatives had been not only defeated militarily, but also discredited politically for their collaboration with the French invaders. Liberalism became synonymous with patriotism.[106] The Mexican Army that had its roots in the colonial royal army and then the army of the early republic was destroyed. New military leaders had emerged from the War of the Reform and the conflict with the French, most notably Porfirio Díaz, a hero of the Cinco de Mayo, who now sought civilian power. Juárez won re-election in 1867, but was challenged by Díaz, who criticized him for running for re-election. Díaz then rebelled, crushed by Juárez. Having won re-election, Juárez died in office of natural causes in July 1872, and Liberal Sebastián Lerdo de Tejada became president, declaring a "religion of state" for rule of law, peace, and order. When Lerdo ran for re-election, Díaz rebelled against the civilian president, issuing the Plan of Tuxtepec. Díaz had more support and waged guerrilla warfare against Lerdo. On the verge of Díaz's victory on the battlefield, Lerdo fled from office, going into exile.[107] The Execution of Emperor Maximilian, 19 June 1867. Gen. Tomás Mejía, left, Maximiian, center, Gen. Miguel Miramón, right. Painting by Édouard Manet 1868. After the turmoil in Mexico from 1810 to 1876, the 35-year rule of Liberal General Porfirio Díaz (r.1876–1911) allowed Mexico to rapidly modernize in a period characterized as one of "order and progress". The Porfiriato was characterized by economic stability and growth, significant foreign investment and influence, an expansion of the railroad network and telecommunications, and investments in the arts and sciences.[108] The period was also marked by economic inequality and political repression. Díaz knew the potential for army rebellions, and systematically downsized the expenditure for the force, rather expanding the rural police force under direct control of the president. Díaz did not provoke the Catholic Church, coming to a modus vivendi with it; but he did not remove the anticlerical articles from the 1857 Constitution. From the late nineteenth century, Protestants began to make inroads into overwhelmingly Catholic Mexico. The government encouraged British and U.S. investment. Commercial agriculture developed in northern Mexico, with many investors from the U.S. acquiring vast ranching estates and expanding irrigated cultivation of crops. The Mexican government ordered a survey of land with the aim of selling it for development. In this period, many indigenous communities lost their lands and the men became landless wage earners on large landed enterprises (haciendas).[109] British and U.S. investors developed extractive mining of copper, lead, and other minerals, as well as petroleum on the Gulf Coast. Changes in Mexican law allowed for private enterprises to own the subsoil rights of land, rather than continuing the colonial law that gave all subsoil rights to the State. An industrial manufacturing sector also developed, particularly in textiles. At the same time, new enterprises gave rise to an industrial work force, which began organizing to gain labor rights and protections. Díaz ruled with a group of advisors that became known as the científicos ("scientists").[110] The most influential científico was Secretary of Finance José Yves Limantour.[111] The Porfirian regime was influenced by positivism.[112] They rejected theology and idealism in favor of scientific methods being applied towards national development. As an integral aspect of the liberal project was secular education. The Díaz government led a protracted conflict against the Yaqui that culminated with the forced relocation of thousands of Yaqui to Yucatán and Oaxaca. Díaz's long success did not include planning for a political transition beyond his own presidency. He made no attempt, however, to establish a family dynasty, naming no relative as his successor. As the centennial of independence approached, Díaz gave an interview where he said he was not going to run in the 1910 elections, when he would be 80. Political opposition had been suppressed and there were few avenues for a new generation of leaders. But his announcement set off a frenzy of political activity, including the unlikely candidacy of the scion of a rich landowning family, Francisco I. Madero. Madero won a surprising amount of political support when Díaz changed his mind and ran in the election, jailing Madero. The September centennial celebration of independence was the last celebration of the Porfiriato. The Mexican Revolution starting in 1910 saw a decade of civil war, the "wind that swept Mexico."[113] Mexican Revolution (1910–1920) Main article: Mexican Revolution Francisco I. Madero, who challenged Díaz in the fraudulent 1910 election and was elected president when Díaz was forced to resign in May 1911. The Mexican Revolution was a decade-long transformational conflict in Mexico, with consequences to this day.[114] It began with scattered uprisings against President Díaz after the fraudulent 1910 election, his resignation in May 1911, demobilization of rebel forces and an interim presidency of a member of the old guard, and the democratic election of a rich, civilian landowner, Francisco I. Madero in fall 1911. In February 1913, a military coup d'état overthrew Madero's government, with the support of the U.S., resulted in Madero's murder by agents of Federal Army General Victoriano Huerta. A coalition of anti-Huerta forces in the North, the Constitutional Army led by Governor of Coahuila Venustiano Carranza, and a peasant army in the South under Emiliano Zapata, defeated the Federal Army.[115] In 1914, that army was dissolved as an institution, leaving only revolutionary forces. Following the revolutionaries' victory against Huerta, they sought to broker a peaceful political solution, but the coalition splintered, plunging Mexico into a civil war of the winners for control of Mexico. Constitutionalist general Pancho Villa, commander of the Division of the North, broke with Carranza and allied with Zapata. Carranza's best general Alvaro Obregón defeated Villa, his former comrade-in-arms in the Battle of Celaya in 1915, and Villa's northern forces melted away. Zapata's forces in the south reverted to guerrilla warfare. Carranza became the de facto head of Mexico, and the U.S. recognized his government.[115] In 1916, the winners met at a constitutional convention to draft the Constitution of 1917, which was ratified in February 1917. The Constitution empowered the government to expropriate resources including land (Article 27); gave rights to labor (Article 123); and strengthened anticlerical provisions of the 1857 Constitution.[115] With amendments, it remains the governing document of Mexico. It is estimated that the war killed 900,000 of the 1910 population of 15 million.[116][117] Although often viewed as an internal conflict, the revolution had significant international elements.[118] During the Revolution, the U.S. played a significant role with the Republican administration of Taft having supported the Huerta coup against Madero, but when Democrat Woodrow Wilson was inaugurated as president in March 1913, Wilson refused to recognize Huerta's regime and allowed arms sales to the Constitutionalists. Wilson ordered troops to occupy the strategic port of Veracruz in 1914, which was lifted.[119] Revolutionary Generals Pancho Villa (left) and Emiliano Zapata (right) After Pancho Villa was defeated by revolutionary forces in 1915, he led an incursion raid into Columbus, New Mexico, prompting the U.S. to send 10,000 troops led by General John J. Pershing in an unsuccessful attempt to capture Villa. Carranza pushed back against U.S. troops being in northern Mexico. The expeditionary forces withdrew as the U.S. entered World War I.[120] Germany attempted to get Mexico to side with it, sending a coded telegram in 1917 to incite war between the U.S. and Mexico, with Mexico to regain the territory it lost in the Mexican-American War.[121] Mexico remained neutral in the conflict. Consolidating power, President Carranza had peasant-leader Emiliano Zapata assassinated in 1919. Carranza had gained support of the peasantry during the Revolution, but once in power he did little to institute land reform, which had motivated many to fight in the Revolution. Carranza in fact returned some confiscated land to their original owners. President Carranza's best general, Obregón, served briefly in his administration, but returned to his home state of Sonora to position himself to run in the 1920 presidential election. Since Carranza could not run for re-election, he chose a civilian, political and revolutionary no-body to succeed him, intending to remain the power behind the presidency. Obregón and two other Sonoran revolutionary generals drew up the Plan of Agua Prieta, overthrowing Carranza, who died fleeing Mexico City in 1920. General Adolfo de la Huerta became interim president, followed the election of General Álvaro Obregón. Political consolidation and one-party rule (1920–2000) Further information: Institutional Revolutionary Party Logo of the Institutional Revolutionary Party, that was founded in 1929 and held uninterrupted power in the country for 71 years, from 1929 to 2000 The first quarter-century of the post-revolutionary period (1920–1946) was characterized by revolutionary generals serving as Presidents of Mexico, including Álvaro Obregón (1920–24), Plutarco Elías Calles (1924–28), Lázaro Cárdenas (1934–40), and Manuel Avila Camacho (1940–46). Since 1946, no member of the military has been President of Mexico. The post-revolutionary project of the Mexican government sought to bring order to the country, end military intervention in politics, and create organizations of interest groups. Workers, peasants, urban office workers, and even the army for a short period were incorporated as sectors of the single party that dominated Mexican politics from its founding in 1929. Obregón instigated land reform and strengthened the power of organized labor. He gained recognition from the United States and took steps to settle claims with companies and individuals that lost property during the Revolution. He imposed his fellow former Sonoran revolutionary general, Calles, as his successor, prompting an unsuccessful military revolt. As president, Calles provoked a major conflict with the Catholic Church and Catholic guerrilla armies when he strictly enforced anticlerical articles of the 1917 Constitution. The Church-State conflict was mediated and ended with the aid of the U.S. Ambassador to Mexico and ended with an agreement between the parties in conflict, by means of which the respective fields of action were defined. Although the constitution prohibited reelection of the president, Obregón wished to run again and the constitution was amended to allow non-consecutive re-election. Obregón won the 1928 elections, but was assassinated by a Catholic zealot, causing a political crisis of succession. Calles could not become president again, since he has just ended his term. He sought to set up a structure to manage presidential succession, founding the party that was to dominate Mexico until the late twentieth century. Calles declared that the Revolution had moved from caudillismo (rule by strongmen) to the era institucional (institutional era).[122] Despite not holding the presidency, Calles remained the key political figure during the period known as the Maximato (1929–1934). The Maximato ended during the presidency of Lázaro Cárdenas, who expelled Calles from the country and implemented many economic and social reforms. This included the Mexican oil expropriation in March 1938, which nationalized the U.S. and Anglo-Dutch oil company known as the Mexican Eagle Petroleum Company. This movement would result in the creation of the state-owned Mexican oil company Pemex. This sparked a diplomatic crisis with the countries whose citizens had lost businesses by Cárdenas's radical measure, but since then the company has played an important role in the economic development of Mexico. Cárdenas's successor, Manuel Ávila Camacho (1940–1946) was more moderate, and relations between the U.S. and Mexico vastly improved during World War II, when Mexico was a significant ally, providing manpower and materiel to aid the war effort. From 1946 the election of Miguel Alemán, the first civilian president in the post-revolutionary period, Mexico embarked on an aggressive program of economic development, known as the Mexican miracle, which was characterized by industrialization, urbanization, and the increase of inequality in Mexico between urban and rural areas.[123] Students in a burned bus during the protests of 1968 With robust economic growth, Mexico sought to showcase it to the world by hosting the 1968 Summer Olympics. The government poured huge resources into building new facilities. At the same time, there was political unrest by university students and others with those expenditures, while their own circumstances were difficult. Demonstrations in central Mexico City went on for weeks before the planned opening of the games, with the government of Gustavo Díaz Ordaz cracking down. The culmination was the Tlatelolco Massacre,[124] which claimed the lives of around 300 protesters based on conservative estimates and perhaps as many as 800.[125] Although the economy continued to flourish for some, social inequality remained a factor of discontent. PRI rule became increasingly authoritarian and at times oppressive in what is now referred to as the Mexican Dirty War.[126] Luis Echeverría, Minister of the Interior under Díaz Ordaz, carrying out the repression during the Olympics, was elected president in 1970. His government had to contend with mistrust of Mexicans and increasing economic problems. He instituted some with electoral reforms.[127][128] Echeverría chose José López Portillo as his successor in 1976. Economic problems worsened in his early term, then massive reserves of petroleum were located off Mexico's Gulf Coast. Pemex did not have the capacity to develop these reserves itself, and brought in foreign firms. Oil prices had been high because of OPEC's lock on oil production, and López Portilla borrowed money from foreign banks for current spending to fund social programs. Those foreign banks were happy to lend to Mexico because the oil reserves were enormous and future revenues were collateral for loans denominated in U.S. dollars. When the price of oil dropped, Mexico's economy collapsed in the 1982 Crisis. Interest rates soared, the peso devalued, and unable to pay loans, the government defaulted on its debt. President Miguel de la Madrid (1982–88) resorted to currency devaluations which in turn sparked inflation. NAFTA signing ceremony, October 1992. From left to right: (standing) President Carlos Salinas de Gortari (Mexico), President George H. W. Bush (U.S.), and Prime Minister Brian Mulroney (Canada) In the 1980s the first cracks emerged in the PRI's complete political dominance. In Baja California, the PAN candidate was elected as governor. When De la Madrid chose Carlos Salinas de Gortari as the candidate for the PRI, and therefore a foregone presidential victor, Cuauhtémoc Cárdenas, son of former President Lázaro Cárdenas, broke with the PRI and challenged Salinas in the 1988 elections. In 1988 there was massive electoral fraud, with results showing that Salinas had won the election by the narrowest percentage ever. There were massive protests in Mexico City to the stolen election. Salinas took the oath of office on 1 December 1988.[129] In 1990 the PRI was famously described by Mario Vargas Llosa as the "perfect dictatorship", but by then there had been major challenges to the PRI's hegemony.[130][131][132] Salinas embarked on a program of neoliberal reforms that fixed the exchange rate of the peso, controlled inflation, opened Mexico to foreign investment, and began talks with the U.S. and Canada to join their free-trade agreement. In order to do that, the Constitution of 1917 was amended in several important ways. Article 27, which had allowed the government to expropriate natural resources and distribute land, was amended to end agrarian reform and to guarantee private owners' property rights. The anti-clerical articles that muzzled religious institutions, especially the Catholic Church, were amended and Mexico reestablished of diplomatic relations with the Holy See. Signing on to the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) removed Mexico's autonomy over trade policy. The agreement came into effect on 1 January 1994; the same day, the Zapatista Army of National Liberation (EZLN) in Chiapas began armed peasant rebellion against the federal government, which captured a few towns, but brought world attention to the situation in Mexico. The armed conflict was short-lived and has continued as a non-violent opposition movement against neoliberalism and globalization. In 1994, following the assassination of the PRI's presidential candidate Luis Donaldo Colosio, Salinas was succeeded by a victorious substitute PRI candidate Ernesto Zedillo. Salinas left Zedillo's government to deal with the Mexican peso crisis, requiring a $50 billion IMF bailout. Major macroeconomic reforms were started by President Zedillo, and the economy rapidly recovered and growth peaked at almost 7% by the end of 1999.[133] Contemporary Mexico Vicente Fox and his opposition National Action Party won the 2000 general election, ending one-party rule. In 2000, after 71 years, the PRI lost a presidential election to Vicente Fox of the opposition conservative National Action Party (PAN). In the 2006 presidential election, Felipe Calderón from the PAN was declared the winner, with a very narrow margin (0.58%) over leftist politician Andrés Manuel López Obrador then the candidate of the Party of the Democratic Revolution (PRD).[134] López Obrador, however, contested the election and pledged to create an "alternative government".[135] After twelve years, in 2012, the PRI won the presidency again with the election of Enrique Peña Nieto, the governor of the State of Mexico from 2005 to 2011. However, he won with a plurality of about 38%, and did not have a legislative majority.[136] After founding the new political party MORENA, Andrés Manuel López Obrador won the 2018 presidential election with over 50% of the vote. His political coalition, led by his left-wing party founded after the 2012 elections, includes parties and politicians from all over the political spectrum. The coalition also won a majority in both the upper and lower congress chambers. AMLO's (one of his many nicknames) success is attributed to the country's other strong political alternatives exhausting their chances as well as the politician adopting a moderate discourse with focus in conciliation.[137] Mexico has contended with high crime rates, official corruption, narcotrafficking, and a stagnant economy. Many state-owned industrial enterprises were privatized starting in the 1990s, with neoliberal reforms, but Pemex, the state-owned petroleum company is only slowly being privatized, with exploration licenses being issued.[138] In AMLO's push against government corruption, the ex-CEO of Pemex has been arrested.[139] Although there were fears of electoral fraud in Mexico's 2018 presidential elections,[140] the results gave a mandate to AMLO.[141] On 1 December 2018, Andrés Manuel López Obrador was sworn in as the new President of Mexico. After winning a landslide victory in the July 2018 presidential elections, he became the first leftwing president for decades.[142] In June 2021 midterm elections, López Obrador's left-leaning Morena’s coalition lost seats in the lower house of Congress. However, his ruling coalition maintained a simple majority, but López Obrador failed to secure the two-thirds congressional supermajority. The main opposition was a coalition of Mexico's three traditional parties: the center-right Revolutionary Institutional Party, right-wing National Action Party and leftist Party of the Democratic Revolution.[143] Geography Main article: Geography of Mexico Geographical characteristics Topographic map of Mexico Pico de Orizaba, the highest mountain in Mexico Mexico is located between latitudes 14° and 33°N, and longitudes 86° and 119°W in the southern portion of North America. Almost all of Mexico lies in the North American Plate, with small parts of the Baja California peninsula on the Pacific and Cocos Plates. Geophysically, some geographers include the territory east of the Isthmus of Tehuantepec (around 12% of the total) within Central America.[144] Geopolitically, however, Mexico is entirely considered part of North America, along with Canada and the United States.[145] Mexico's total area is 1,972,550 km2 (761,606 sq mi), making it the world's 13th largest country by total area. It has coastlines on the Pacific Ocean and Gulf of California, as well as the Gulf of Mexico and Caribbean Sea, the latter two forming part of the Atlantic Ocean.[146] Within these seas are about 6,000 km2 (2,317 sq mi) of islands (including the remote Pacific Guadalupe Island and the Revillagigedo Islands). From its farthest land points, Mexico is a little over 2,000 mi (3,219 km) in length. Mexico has nine distinct regions: Baja California, the Pacific Coastal Lowlands, the Mexican Plateau, the Sierra Madre Oriental, the Sierra Madre Occidental, the Cordillera Neo-Volcánica, the Gulf Coastal Plain, the Southern Highlands, and the Yucatán Peninsula.[147] Although Mexico is large, much of its land mass is incompatible with agriculture due to aridity, soil, or terrain. In 2018, an estimated 54.9% of land is agricultural; 11.8% is arable; 1.4% is in permanent crops; 41.7% is permanent pasture; and 33.3% is forest.[148] Mexico is crossed from north to south by two mountain ranges known as Sierra Madre Oriental and Sierra Madre Occidental, which are the extension of the Rocky Mountains from northern North America. From east to west at the center, the country is crossed by the Trans-Mexican Volcanic Belt also known as the Sierra Nevada. A fourth mountain range, the Sierra Madre del Sur, runs from Michoacán to Oaxaca. As such, the majority of the Mexican central and northern territories are located at high altitudes, and the highest elevations are found at the Trans-Mexican Volcanic Belt: Pico de Orizaba (5,700 m or 18,701 ft), Popocatépetl (5,462 m or 17,920 ft) and Iztaccihuatl (5,286 m or 17,343 ft) and the Nevado de Toluca (4,577 m or 15,016 ft). Three major urban agglomerations are located in the valleys between these four elevations: Toluca, Greater Mexico City and Puebla.[citation needed] An important geologic feature of the Yucatán peninsula is the Chicxulub crater. The scientific consensus is that the Chicxulub impactor was responsible for the Cretaceous–Paleogene extinction event. Mexico is subject to a number of natural hazards, including hurricanes on both coasts, tsunamis on the Pacific coast, and volcanism.[149] Mexico has few rivers and lakes. The Lerma River flows west to form Lake Chapala, the country’s largest natural lake. The Santiago River flows from Lake Chapala out of the lake to the Pacific Ocean. The Pánuco River flows to the Gulf of Mexico. Lake Pátzcuaro and Lake Cuitzeo, west of Mexico City, are remnants of vast lakes and marshes that covered much of the southern Mesa Central before European settlement. The central lake system where the Aztec capital of Tenochtitlan and surrounding communities thrived before the Spanish conquest have almost entirely been drained. There are few permanent streams in the arid Mesa del Norte, and most of these drain into the interior rather than to the ocean. By far the most important river in that part of the country is the Río Bravo del Norte (called the Rio Grande in the United States), which forms a lengthy part of the international border from Ciudad Juárez to the Gulf Coast, 3,141 km (1,952 mi). The Balsas River provides hydroelectric power. Grijalva river and Usumacinta river system drains most of the humid Chiapas Highlands. The Papaloapan River flows into the Gulf of Mexico south of Veracruz, the Grijalva and Usumacinta further southeast are significant Mexican rivers. Both the Baja California Peninsula and the Yucatán Peninsula are extremely arid with no surface streams. Climate Main article: Climate of Mexico Mexico map of Köppen climate classification The climate of Mexico is quite varied due to the country's size and topography. Tropic of Cancer effectively divides the country into temperate and tropical zones. Land north of the Tropic of Cancer experiences cooler temperatures during the winter months. South of the Tropic of Cancer, temperatures are fairly constant year-round and vary solely as a function of elevation. This gives Mexico one of the world's most diverse weather systems. Maritime air masses bring seasonal precipitation from May until August. Many parts of Mexico, particularly the north, have a dry climate with only sporadic rainfall, while parts of the tropical lowlands in the south average more than 2,000 mm (78.7 in) of annual precipitation. For example, many cities in the north like Monterrey, Hermosillo, and Mexicali experience temperatures of 40 °C (104 °F) or more in summer. In the Sonoran Desert temperatures reach 50 °C (122 °F) or more.[150] Descriptors of regions are by temperature, with the tierra caliente (hot land) being coastal up to 900 meters; tierra templada (temperate land) being from 1,800 meters; tierra fría (cold land) extending to 3,500 meters. Beyond the cold lands are the páramos, alpine pastures, and the tierra helada (frozen land) (4,000-4,200 meters) in central Mexico. Areas south of the Tropic of Cancer with elevations up to 1,000 m (3,281 ft) (the southern parts of both coastal plains as well as the Yucatán Peninsula), have a yearly median temperature between 24 to 28 °C (75.2 to 82.4 °F). Temperatures here remain high throughout the year, with only a 5 °C (9 °F) difference between winter and summer median temperatures. Both Mexican coasts, except for the south coast of the Bay of Campeche and northern Baja California, are also vulnerable to serious hurricanes during the summer and fall. Although low-lying areas north of the Tropic of Cancer are hot and humid during the summer, they generally have lower yearly temperature averages (from 20 to 24 °C or 68.0 to 75.2 °F) because of more moderate conditions during the winter.[150] Biodiversity Mexican wolf Mexico ranks fourth[151] in the world in biodiversity and is one of the 17 megadiverse countries. With over 200,000 different species, Mexico is home of 10–12% of the world's biodiversity.[152] Mexico ranks first in biodiversity in reptiles with 707 known species, second in mammals with 438 species, fourth in amphibians with 290 species, and fourth in flora, with 26,000 different species.[153] Mexico is also considered the second country in the world in ecosystems and fourth in overall species.[154] About 2,500 species are protected by Mexican legislations.[154] In 2002, Mexico had the second fastest rate of deforestation in the world, second only to Brazil.[155] It had a 2019 Forest Landscape Integrity Index mean score of 6.82/10, ranking it 63rd globally out of 172 countries.[156] The government has taken another initiative in the late 1990s to broaden the people's knowledge, interest and use of the country's esteemed biodiversity, through the Comisión Nacional para el Conocimiento y Uso de la Biodiversidad. In Mexico, 170,000 square kilometers (65,637 sq mi) are considered "Protected Natural Areas". These include 34 biosphere reserves (unaltered ecosystems), 67 national parks, 4 natural monuments (protected in perpetuity for their aesthetic, scientific or historical value), 26 areas of protected flora and fauna, 4 areas for natural resource protection (conservation of soil, hydrological basins and forests) and 17 sanctuaries (zones rich in diverse species).[152] Plants indigenous to Mexico are grown in many parts of the world and integrated into their own national cuisines. Some of Mexico's native culinary ingredients include: maize, tomato, beans, squash, chocolate, vanilla, avocado, guava, chayote, epazote, camote, jícama, nopal, zucchini, tejocote, huitlacoche, sapote, mamey sapote, and a great variety of chiles, such as the habanero and the jalapeño. Most of these names come from the indigenous language of Nahuatl. Tequila, the distilled alcoholic drink made from cultivated agave cacti is a major industry. Because of its high biodiversity Mexico has also been a frequent site of bioprospecting by international research bodies.[157] The first highly successful instance being the discovery in 1947 of the tuber "Barbasco" (Dioscorea composita) which has a high content of diosgenin, revolutionizing the production of synthetic hormones in the 1950s and 1960s and eventually leading to the invention of combined oral contraceptive pills.[158] Government and politics Government Main article: Federal government of Mexico The National Palace on the east side of Plaza de la Constitución or Zócalo, the main square of Mexico City; it was the residence of viceroys and Presidents of Mexico and now the seat of the Mexican government. Chamber of Deputies, the lower house of the Congress of Mexico The United Mexican States are a federation whose government is representative, democratic and republican based on a presidential system according to the 1917 Constitution. The constitution establishes three levels of government: the federal Union, the state governments and the municipal governments. According to the constitution, all constituent states of the federation must have a republican form of government composed of three branches: the executive, represented by a governor and an appointed cabinet, the legislative branch constituted by a unicameral congress[159][original research?] and the judiciary, which will include a state Supreme Court of Justice. They also have their own civil and judicial codes. The federal legislature is the bicameral Congress of the Union, composed of the Senate of the Republic and the Chamber of Deputies. The Congress makes federal law, declares war, imposes taxes, approves the national budget and international treaties, and ratifies diplomatic appointments.[160] The federal Congress, as well as the state legislatures, are elected by a system of parallel voting that includes plurality and proportional representation.[161] The Chamber of Deputies has 500 deputies. Of these, 300 are elected by plurality vote in single-member districts (the federal electoral districts) and 200 are elected by proportional representation with closed party lists[162] for which the country is divided into five electoral constituencies.[163] The Senate is made up of 128 senators. Of these, 64 senators (two for each state and two for Mexico City) are elected by plurality vote in pairs; 32 senators are the first minority or first-runner up (one for each state and one for Mexico City), and 32 are elected by proportional representation from national closed party lists.[162] The executive is the President of the United Mexican States, who is the head of state and government, as well as the commander-in-chief of the Mexican military forces. The President also appoints the Cabinet and other officers. The President is responsible for executing and enforcing the law, and has the power to veto bills.[164] The highest organ of the judicial branch of government is the Supreme Court of Justice, the national supreme court, which has eleven judges appointed by the President and approved by the Senate. The Supreme Court of Justice interprets laws and judges cases of federal competency. Other institutions of the judiciary are the Federal Electoral Tribunal, collegiate, unitary and district tribunals, and the Council of the Federal Judiciary.[165] In theory the judiciary is independent of the executive, but President López Obrador moved to recentralize power in the presidency, undermining the independence of a number of institutions. In the judicial realm lowering the salaries of justices, he refused to allow the independent appointment of the attorney general.[166] Following the fraudulent 1988 Presidential election in hands of the government's Department of Interior (Gobernación), an independent institute to oversee the electoral agency was created, the Federal Institute of Elections, now the National Electoral Institute. In 2022, the López Obrador administration which has feuded with the agency, proposed sweeping changes to the structure, advocating its membership be chosen by voters. The proposal is controversial and opposed by academics, who argue the positions should be held by experts.[167] Politics Main article: Politics of Mexico Andrés Manuel López Obrador President of Mexico Three parties have historically been the dominant parties in Mexican politics: the Institutional Revolutionary Party (PRI), a catch-all party[168] and member of the Socialist International[169] that was founded in 1929 to unite all the factions of the Mexican Revolution and held an almost hegemonic power in Mexican politics since then; the National Action Party (PAN), a conservative party founded in 1939 and belonging to the Christian Democrat Organization of America;[170] and the Party of the Democratic Revolution (PRD) a left-wing party,[171] founded in 1989 as the successor of the coalition of socialists and liberal parties. PRD emerged after what has now been proven was a stolen election in 1988,[172] and has won numerous state and local elections since then. PAN won its first governorship in 1989, and won the presidency in 2000 and 2006.[173] A new political party, National Regeneration Movement (MORENA), a leftist-populist party, emerged after the 2012 election and dominated the 2018 Mexican general election.[174] Unlike many Latin American countries, the military in Mexico does not participate in politics and is under civilian control,[175] the result of the concerted effort of revolutionary generals who became presidents of Mexico (1920–40) to remove the military from politics.[176] As Mexico transitioned from one-party rule in 2000, increasingly criminal cartels have attempted to meddle in politics and have an impact on electoral outcomes. Cartels have moved from bribing or otherwise influencing politicians and now attempt to have their preferred candidates elected.[177] A recent publication based on two decades of analysis of data contends that "electoral competition and partisan conflict were key drivers of the outbreak of Mexico's crime wars, the intensification of violence, and the expansion of war and violence to the spheres of local politics and civil society."[178] Foreign relations Main article: Foreign relations of Mexico Headquarters of the Secretariat of Foreign Affairs The foreign relations of Mexico are directed by the President of Mexico[179] and managed through the Ministry of Foreign Affairs.[180] The principles of the foreign policy are constitutionally recognized in the Article 89, Section 10, which include: respect for international law and legal equality of states, their sovereignty and independence, trend to non-interventionism in the domestic affairs of other countries, peaceful resolution of conflicts, and promotion of collective security through active participation in international organizations.[179] Since the 1930s, the Estrada Doctrine has served as a crucial complement to these principles.[181] Mexico is founding member of several international organizations, most notably the United Nations,[182] the Organization of American States,[183] the Organization of Ibero-American States,[184] the OPANAL[185] and the CELAC.[186] In 2008, Mexico contributed over 40 million dollars to the United Nations regular budget.[187] In addition, it was the only Latin American member of the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development since it joined in 1994 until Chile gained full membership in 2010.[188][189] Mexico is considered a regional power[190][191] hence its presence in major economic groups such as the G8+5 and the G-20. In addition, since the 1990s Mexico has sought a reform of the United Nations Security Council and its working methods[192] with the support of Canada, Italy, Pakistan and other nine countries, which form a group informally called the Coffee Club.[193] Military Main articles: Mexican Armed Forces and Military history of Mexico A Mexican Navy Eurocopter The Mexican military "provides a unique example of a military leadership's transforming itself into a civilian political elite, simultaneously transferring the basis of power from the army to a civilian state."[194] The transformation was brought about by revolutionary generals in the 1920s and 1930s, following the demise of the Federal Army following its complete defeat during the decade-long Mexican Revolution.[195] The Mexican Armed Forces are administered by the Secretariat of National Defense (Secretaria de Defensa Nacional, SEDENA). There are two branches: the Mexican Army (which includes the Mexican Air Force), and the Mexican Navy. The Secretariat of Public Security and Civil Protection has jurisdiction over the National Guard, which was formed in 2019 from the disbanded Federal Police and military police of the Army and Navy. Figures vary on personnel, but as of are approximately 223,000 armed forces personnel (160,000 Army; 8,000 Air Force; 55,000 Navy, including about 20,000 marines); approximately 100,000 National Guard (2021). Government expenditures on the military are a small proportion of GDP 0.7% of GDP (2021 est.), 0.6% of GDP (2020).[196] The Mexican Armed Forces maintain significant infrastructure, including facilities for design, research, and testing of weapons, vehicles, aircraft, naval vessels, defense systems and electronics; military industry manufacturing centers for building such systems, and advanced naval dockyards that build heavy military vessels and advanced missile technologies. Since the 1990s, when the military escalated its role in the war on drugs, increasing importance has been placed on acquiring airborne surveillance platforms, aircraft, helicopters, digital war-fighting technologies,[197] urban warfare equipment and rapid troop transport.[198] Mexico has the capabilities to manufacture nuclear weapons, but abandoned this possibility with the Treaty of Tlatelolco in 1968 and pledged to only use its nuclear technology for peaceful purposes.[199] Mexico signed the UN treaty on the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons.[200] Historically, Mexico has remained neutral in international conflicts,[201] with the exception of World War II. However, in recent years some political parties have proposed an amendment of the Constitution to allow the Mexican Army, Air Force or Navy to collaborate with the United Nations in peacekeeping missions, or to provide military help to countries that officially ask for it.[202] Law enforcement and crime Main articles: Law enforcement in Mexico and Crime in Mexico Further information: Mexican Drug War, Human trafficking in Mexico, and femicide in Mexico Mexican Federal Police celebration. Demonstration on 26 September 2015, in the first anniversary of the disappearance of the 43 students in the Mexican town of Iguala The Mexican Federal Police were dissolved in 2019 by a constitutional amendment during the administration of President López Obrador and the Mexican National Guard established, amalgamating units of the Federal Police, Military Police, and Naval Police.[203] As of 2022, the National Guard is an estimated at 110,000. López Obrador has increasingly used military forces for domestic law enforcement, particularly against drug cartels.[204] There have been serious abuses of power have been reported in security operations in the southern part of the country and in indigenous communities and poor urban neighborhoods. The National Human Rights Commission has had little impact in reversing this trend, engaging mostly in documentation but failing to use its powers to issue public condemnations to the officials who ignore its recommendations.[205] Most Mexicans have low confidence in the police or the judicial system, and therefore, few crimes are actually reported by the citizens.[206] There have been public demonstrations of outrage against what is considered a culture of impunity.[207] Crime and human rights violations in Mexico have been criticized, including enforced disappearances (kidnappings), abuses against migrants, extrajudicial killings, gender-based violence, especially femicide, and attacks on journalists and human rights advocatess.[208] A 2020 report by the BBC gives statistics on crime in Mexico, with 10.7 million households with at least one victim of crime.[209] As of May 2022, 100,000 people are officially listed as missing, most since 2007 when President Calderón attempted to stop the drug cartels.[210] Drug cartels remain a major issue in Mexico, with a proliferation of smaller cartels when larger ones are broken up and increasingly the use of more sophisticated military equipment and tactics.[211][212] President Felipe Calderón (2006–12) made eradicating organized crime a top priority by deploying military personnel to cities where drug cartels operate, a move criticized by the opposition parties and the National Human Rights Commission for escalating the violence.[213] Mexico's drug war, ongoing since 2006, has left over 120,000 dead and perhaps another 37,000 missing.[34] Mexican cartels have recently been identified as using the Chinese-sourced synthetic opiate fentanyl, which has caused many drug overdoses in the U.S.[214] China is identified as being involved more generally in organized crime in Mexico.[215] Mexico's National Geography and Statistics Institute estimated that in 2014, one-fifth of Mexicans were victims of some sort of crime.[216] The mass kidnapping of 43 students in Iguala on 26 September 2014 triggered nationwide protests against the government's weak response to the disappearances and widespread corruption that gives free rein to criminal organizations.[217] More than 100 journalists and media workers have been killed or disappeared since 2000, and most of these crimes remained unsolved, improperly investigated, and with few perpetrators arrested and convicted.[218][219] Since President López Obrador became president in 2018, the number of journalists' murders has increased exponentially.[220][221][222] The U.S. Department of State warns its citizens to exercise increased caution when traveling in Mexico, issuing travel advisories on its website.[223] Administrative divisions Main article: Administrative divisions of Mexico Further information: States of Mexico and Municipalities of Mexico See also: List of Mexican state legislatures The boundaries and constituent units of Mexico evolved over time from its colonial-era origins. Central America peacefully separated from Mexico after independence in 1821. Yucatán was briefly an independent republic. Texas separated in the Texas Revolution and when it was annexed to the U.S. in 1845, it set the stage for the Mexican-American War and major territorial loss to the U.S. The sale of northern territory known in the U.S. as the Gadsden Purchase was the last loss of Mexican territory. The United Mexican States are a federation of 31 free and sovereign states, which form a union that exercises a degree of jurisdiction over Mexico City.[224] Each state has its own constitution, congress, and a judiciary, and its citizens elect by direct voting a governor for a six-year term, and representatives to their respective unicameral state congresses for three-year terms.[225] Mexico City is a special political division that belongs to the federation as a whole and not to a particular state.[224] Formerly known as the Federal District, its autonomy was previously limited relative to that of the states.[226] It dropped this designation in 2016 and is in the process of achieving greater political autonomy by becoming a federal entity with its own constitution and congress.[227] The states are divided into municipalities, the smallest administrative political entity in the country, governed by a mayor or municipal president (presidente municipal), elected by its residents by plurality.[228] Gulf of MexicoPacific OceanCentral AmericaUnited States of AmericaMexico CityAGBaja CaliforniaBaja California SurCampecheChiapasChihuahuaCoahuilaColimaDurangoGuanajuatoGuerreroHDJaliscoEMMichoacánMONayaritNuevo LeónOaxacaPueblaQuerétaroQuintana RooSan Luis PotosíSinaloaSonoraTabascoTamaulipasTLVeracruzYucatánZacatecas Entity/Abbreviation Capital Entity/Abbreviation Capital  Aguascalientes (AGS) Aguascalientes Morelos (MOR) Cuernavaca  Baja California (BC) Mexicali Nayarit (NAY) Tepic  Baja California Sur (BCS) La Paz Nuevo León (NL) Monterrey  Campeche (CAM) Campeche Oaxaca (OAX) Oaxaca  Chiapas (CHIS) Tuxtla Gutiérrez Puebla (PUE) Puebla  Chihuahua (CHIH) Chihuahua Querétaro (QRO) Querétaro  Coahuila (COAH) Saltillo Quintana Roo (QR) Chetumal  Colima (COL) Colima San Luis Potosí (SLP) San Luis Potosí  Durango (DUR) Durango Sinaloa (SNL) Culiacán  Guanajuato (GTO) Guanajuato Sonora (SON) Hermosillo  Guerrero (GRO) Chilpancingo Tabasco (TAB) Villahermosa  Hidalgo (HGO) Pachuca Tamaulipas (TAMPS) Victoria  Jalisco (JAL) Guadalajara Tlaxcala (TLAX) Tlaxcala  State of Mexico (EM) Toluca Veracruz (VER) Xalapa  Mexico City (CDMX) Mexico City Yucatán (YUC) Mérida  Michoacán (MICH) Morelia Zacatecas (ZAC) Zacatecas Economy Main article: Economy of Mexico See also: Economic history of Mexico A proportional representation of Mexico's exports. The country has the most complex economy in Latin America. As of April 2018, Mexico has the 15th largest nominal GDP (US$1.15 trillion)[229] and the 11th largest by purchasing power parity (US$2.45 trillion). GDP annual average growth was 2.9% in 2016 and 2% in 2017.[229] Agriculture has comprised 4% of the economy over the last two decades, while industry contributes 33% (mostly automotive, oil, and electronics) and services (notably financial services and tourism) contribute 63%.[229] Mexico's GDP in PPP per capita was US$18,714.05. The World Bank reported in 2009 that the country's Gross National Income in market exchange rates was the second highest in Latin America, after Brazil at US$1,830.392 billion,[230] which led to the highest income per capita in the region at $15,311.[231][232] Mexico is now firmly established as an upper middle-income country. After the slowdown of 2001 the country has recovered and has grown 4.2, 3.0 and 4.8 percent in 2004, 2005 and 2006,[233] even though it is considered to be well below Mexico's potential growth.[234] The International Monetary Fund predicts growth rates of 2.3% and 2.7% for 2018 and 2019, respectively.[229] By 2050, Mexico could potentially become the world's fifth or seventh largest economy.[235][236] Although multiple international organizations coincide and classify Mexico as an upper middle income country, or a middle class country[237][238] Mexico's National Council for the Evaluation of Social Development Policy (CONEVAL), which is the organization in charge to measure the country's poverty reports that a huge percentage of Mexico's population lives in poverty. According to said council, from 2006 to 2010 (year on which the CONEVAL published its first nationwide report of poverty) the portion of Mexicans who live in poverty rose from 18%–19%[239] to 46% (52 million people).[240] However, rather than Mexico's economy crashing, international economists attribute the huge increase in the percentage of population living below the country's poverty line to the CONEVAL using new standards to define it, as now besides people who lives below the economic welfare line, people who lacks at least one "social need" such as complete education, access to healthcare, access to regular food, housing services and goods, social security etc. were considered to be living in poverty (several countries do collect information regarding the persistence of said vulnerabilities on their population, but Mexico is the only one that classifies people lacking one or more of those needs as living below its national poverty line). Said economists do point out that the percentage of people living in poverty according to Mexico's national poverty line is around 40 times higher than the one reported by the World Bank's international poverty line (with said difference being the biggest in the world) and ponder if it would not be better for countries in the situation of Mexico to adopt internationalized standards to measure poverty so the numbers obtained could be used to make accurate international comparisons.[241] According to the OECD's own poverty line (defined as the percentage of a country's population who earns 60%[242] or less of the national median income) 20% of Mexico's population lives in a situation of poverty.[243] Mexico City, the financial center of Mexico Mexican Stock Exchange building Among the OECD countries, Mexico has the second-highest degree of economic disparity between the extremely poor and extremely rich, after Chile – although it has been falling over the last decade, being one of few countries in which this is the case.[244] The bottom ten percent in the income hierarchy disposes of 1.36% of the country's resources, whereas the upper ten percent dispose of almost 36%. The OECD also notes that Mexico's budgeted expenses for poverty alleviation and social development is only about a third of the OECD average.[245] This is also reflected by the fact that infant mortality in Mexico is three times higher than the average among OECD nations whereas its literacy levels are in the median range of OECD nations. Nevertheless, according to Goldman Sachs, by 2050 Mexico will have the 5th largest economy in the world.[246] According to a 2008 UN report the average income in a typical urbanized area of Mexico was $26,654, while the average income in rural areas just miles away was only $8,403.[247] Daily minimum wages are set annually being set at $102.68 Mexican pesos (US$5.40) in 2019.[248] All of the indices of social development for the Mexican Indigenous population are considerably lower than the national average, which is motive of concern for the government.[249] The electronics industry of Mexico has grown enormously within the last decade. Mexico has the sixth largest electronics industry in the world after China, United States, Japan, South Korea, and Taiwan. Mexico is the second-largest exporter of electronics to the United States where it exported $71.4 billion worth of electronics in 2011.[250] The Mexican electronics industry is dominated by the manufacture and OEM design of televisions, displays, computers, mobile phones, circuit boards, semiconductors, electronic appliances, communications equipment and LCD modules. The Mexican electronics industry grew 20% between 2010 and 2011, up from its constant growth rate of 17% between 2003 and 2009.[250] Currently electronics represent 30% of Mexico's exports.[250] Mexico produces the most automobiles of any North American nation.[251] The industry produces technologically complex components and engages in some research and development activities.[252] The "Big Three" (General Motors, Ford and Chrysler) have been operating in Mexico since the 1930s, while Volkswagen and Nissan built their plants in the 1960s.[253] In Puebla alone, 70 industrial part-makers cluster around Volkswagen.[252] In the 2010s expansion of the sector was surging. In 2014 alone, more than $10 billion in investment was committed. In September 2016 Kia motors opened a $1 billion factory in Nuevo León,[254] with Audi also opening an assembling plant in Puebla the same year.[255] BMW, Mercedes-Benz and Nissan currently have plants in construction.[256] The domestic car industry is represented by DINA S.A., which has built buses and trucks since 1962,[257] and the new Mastretta company that builds the high-performance Mastretta MXT sports car.[258] In 2006, trade with the United States and Canada accounted for almost 50% of Mexico's exports and 45% of its imports.[11] During the first three quarters of 2010, the United States had a $46.0 billion trade deficit with Mexico.[259] In August 2010 Mexico surpassed France to become the 9th largest holder of US debt.[260] The commercial and financial dependence on the US is a cause for concern.[261] The remittances from Mexican citizens working in the United States account are significant; after dipping during the after the 2008 Great Recession and again during Covid pandemic in 2021 they are topping other sources of foreign income.[262][263] Remittances are directed to Mexico by direct links from a U.S. government banking program.[264] Communications Main article: Telecommunications in Mexico Telmex Tower, Mexico City. The telecommunications industry is mostly dominated by Telmex (Teléfonos de México), previously a government monopoly privatized in 1990. By 2006, Telmex had expanded its operations to Colombia, Peru, Chile, Argentina, Brazil, Uruguay, and the United States. Other players in the domestic industry are Axtel, Maxcom, Alestra, Marcatel, AT&T Mexico.[265] Because of Mexican orography, providing a landline telephone service at remote mountainous areas is expensive, and the penetration of line-phones per capita is low compared to other Latin American countries, at 40 percent; however, 82% of Mexicans over the age of 14 own a mobile phone. Mobile telephony has the advantage of reaching all areas at a lower cost, and the total number of mobile lines is almost two times that of landlines, with an estimation of 63 million lines.[266] The telecommunication industry is regulated by the government through Cofetel (Comisión Federal de Telecomunicaciones). The Mexican satellite system is domestic and operates 120 earth stations. There is also extensive microwave radio relay network and considerable use of fiber-optic and coaxial cable.[266] Mexican satellites are operated by Satélites Mexicanos (Satmex), a private company, leader in Latin America and servicing both North and South America.[267] It offers broadcast, telephone and telecommunication services to 37 countries in the Americas, from Canada to Argentina. Through business partnerships Satmex provides high-speed connectivity to ISPs and Digital Broadcast Services.[268] Satmex maintains its own satellite fleet with most of the fleet being designed and built in Mexico. Major players in the broadcasting industry are Televisa, the largest Mexican media company in the Spanish-speaking world,[269] TV Azteca and Imagen Televisión. Energy See also: Electricity sector in Mexico The Central Eólica Sureste I, Fase II in Oaxaca. Energy production in Mexico is managed by the state-owned companies Federal Commission of Electricity and Pemex. Pemex, the public company in charge of exploration, extraction, transportation and marketing of crude oil and natural gas, as well as the refining and distribution of petroleum products and petrochemicals, is one of the largest companies in the world by revenue, making US$86 billion in sales a year.[270][271][272] Mexico is the sixth-largest oil producer in the world, with 3.7 million barrels per day.[273] In 1980 oil exports accounted for 61.6% of total exports; by 2000 it was only 7.3%.[252] The largest hydro plant in Mexico is the 2,400 MW Manuel Moreno Torres Dam in Chicoasén, Chiapas, in the Grijalva River. This is the world's fourth most productive hydroelectric plant.[274] Mexico is the country with the world's third largest solar potential.[275] The country's gross solar potential is estimated at 5kWh/m2 daily, which corresponds to 50 times national electricity generation.[276] Currently, there is over 1 million square meters of solar thermal panels[277] installed in Mexico, while in 2005, there were 115,000 square meters of solar PV (photo-voltaic). It is expected that in 2012 there will be 1,8 million square meters of installed solar thermal panels.[277] The project named SEGH-CFE 1, located in Puerto Libertad, Sonora, Northwest of Mexico, will have capacity of 46.8 MW from an array of 187,200 solar panels when complete in 2013.[278] All of the electricity will be sold directly to the CFE and absorbed into the utility's transmission system for distribution throughout their existing network. At an installed capacity of 46.8 MWp, when complete in 2013, the project will be the first utility scale project of its kind in Mexico and the largest solar project of any kind in Latin America. Science and technology Further information: History of science and technology in Mexico Large Millimeter Telescope in Puebla. The National Autonomous University of Mexico was officially established in 1910,[279] and the university became one of the most important institutes of higher learning in Mexico.[280] UNAM provides world class education in science, medicine, and engineering.[281] Many scientific institutes and new institutes of higher learning, such as National Polytechnic Institute (founded in 1936),[282] were established during the first half of the 20th century. Most of the new research institutes were created within UNAM. Twelve institutes were integrated into UNAM from 1929 to 1973.[283] In 1959, the Mexican Academy of Sciences was created to coordinate scientific efforts between academics. In 1995, the Mexican chemist Mario J. Molina shared the Nobel Prize in Chemistry with Paul J. Crutzen and F. Sherwood Rowland for their work in atmospheric chemistry, particularly concerning the formation and decomposition of ozone.[284] Molina, an alumnus of UNAM, became the first Mexican citizen to win the Nobel Prize in science.[285] In recent years, the largest scientific project being developed in Mexico was the construction of the Large Millimeter Telescope (Gran Telescopio Milimétrico, GMT), the world's largest and most sensitive single-aperture telescope in its frequency range.[286] It was designed to observe regions of space obscured by stellar dust. Mexico was ranked 55th in the Global Innovation Index in 2021, up from 56th in 2019.[287][288][289][290] Tourism Main article: Tourism in Mexico Cancún and the Riviera Maya is the most visited region in Latin America As of 2017, Mexico was the 6th most visited country in the world and had the 15th highest income from tourism in the world which is also the highest in Latin America.[291] The vast majority of tourists come to Mexico from the United States and Canada followed by Europe and Asia. A smaller number also come from other Latin American countries.[292] In the 2017 Travel and Tourism Competitiveness Report, Mexico was ranked 22nd in the world, which was 3rd in the Americas.[293] The coastlines of Mexico harbor many stretches of beaches that are frequented by sunbathers and other visitors. According to national law, the entirety of the coastlines are under federal ownership, that is, all beaches in the country are public. On the Yucatán peninsula, one of the most popular beach destinations is the resort town of Cancún, especially among university students during spring break. Just offshore is the beach island of Isla Mujeres, and to the east is the Isla Holbox. To the south of Cancun is the coastal strip called Riviera Maya which includes the beach town of Playa del Carmen and the ecological parks of Xcaret and Xel-Há. A day trip to the south of Cancún is the historic port of Tulum. In addition to its beaches, the town of Tulum is notable for its cliff-side Mayan ruins. On the Pacific coast is the notable tourist destination of Acapulco. Once the destination for the rich and famous, the beaches have become crowded and the shores are now home to many multi-story hotels and vendors. Acapulco is home to renowned cliff divers: trained divers who leap from the side of a vertical cliff into the surf below. At the southern tip of the Baja California peninsula is the resort town of Cabo San Lucas, a town noted for its beaches and marlin fishing.[294] Further north along the Sea of Cortés is the Bahía de La Concepción, another beach town known for its sports fishing. Closer to the United States border is the weekend draw of San Felipe, Baja California. Transportation Main article: Transportation in Mexico The Baluarte Bridge was the highest cable-stayed bridge in the world, the fifth-highest bridge overall and is the highest bridge in the Americas. The roadway network in Mexico is extensive and all areas in the country are covered by it. The roadway network in Mexico has an extent of 366,095 km (227,481 mi),[295] of which 116,802 km (72,577 mi) are paved.[296] Of these, 10,474 km (6,508 mi) are multi-lane expressways: 9,544 km (5,930 mi) are four-lane highways and the rest have 6 or more lanes.[296] Starting in the late nineteenth century, Mexico was one of the first Latin American countries to promote railway development,[206] and the network covers 30,952 km (19,233 mi). The Secretary of Communications and Transport of Mexico proposed a high-speed rail link that will transport its passengers from Mexico City to Guadalajara, Jalisco.[297][298] The train, which will travel at 300 kilometers per hour (190 miles per hour),[299] will allow passengers to travel from Mexico City to Guadalajara in just 2 hours.[299] The whole project was projected to cost 240 billion pesos, or about 25 billion US$[297] and is being paid for jointly by the Mexican government and the local private sector including the wealthiest man in the world, Mexico's billionaire business tycoon Carlos Slim.[300] The government of the state of Yucatán is also funding the construction of a high speed line connecting the cities of Cozumel to Mérida and Chichen Itza and Cancún.[301] Mexico has 233 airports with paved runways; of these, 35 carry 97% of the passenger traffic.[citation needed] The Mexico City International Airport remains the busiest in Latin America and the 36th busiest in the world[302] transporting 45 million passengers a year.[303] Demographics Main article: Demographics of Mexico Mexican states by population density Throughout the 19th century, the population of Mexico had barely doubled. This trend continued during the first two decades of the 20th century, and even in the 1921 census there was a loss of about 1 million inhabitants. The phenomenon can be explained because during the decade from 1910 to 1921 the Mexican Revolution took place. The growth rate increased dramatically between the 1930s and the 1980s, when the country registered growth rates of over 3% (1950–1980). The Mexican population doubled in twenty years, and at that rate it was expected that by 2000 there would be 120 million Mexicans. Life expectancy went from 36 years (in 1895) to 72 years (in the year 2000). According to estimations made by Mexico's National Geography and Statistics Institute, is estimated in 2022 to be 129,150,971[304] as of 2017 Mexico had 123.5 million inhabitants[305] making it the most populous Spanish-speaking country in the world.[306] Ethnicity and race Las castas. Casta painting showing 16 racial groupings, 18th century, Museo Nacional del Virreinato, Tepotzotlán, Mexico. Despite being highly diverse, research on Mexican ethnicity has felt the impact of nationalist discourses on identity.[307][308][309][310] which saw their peak in the decade of the 1930s, when the government declared all Mexicans to be Mestizos, with the only distinction being whether a person was culturally indigenous or not, living in an indigenous community and or speaking an indigenous language or both.[311][312][313][314] Even then, across the years the government has used different criteria to count Indigenous peoples, with each of them returning considerably different numbers ranging from 6.1%[1] to 23% of the country's population. It is not until very recently that the Mexican government began conducting surveys that consider other ethnic groups that live in the country such as Afro-Mexicans who amount to 2% of Mexico's population[1] or White Mexicans[315][316] who amount to 47% of Mexico's population (with the criteria being based on appearance rather than on self-declared ancestry).[317][318][319][320][321] Less numerous groups in Mexico such as Asians and Middle Easterners are also accounted for, with numbers of around 1% each. While Mestizos are a prominent ethnic group in contemporary Mexico, the subjective and ever-changing definition of this category have led to its estimations being imprecise, having been observed that many Mexicans do not identify as Mestizos,[322][323] favoring instead ethnoracial labels such as White or Indigenous due to having more consistent and "static" definitions.[324] The total percentage of Mexico's indigenous peoples tends to vary depending on the criteria used by the government in its censuses: if the ability to speak an indigenous language is used as the criterion to define a person as indigenous, it is 6.1%,[1][325] if racial self-identification is used, it is 14.9%[326][d] and if people who consider themselves part indigenous are also included, it amounts to 23%.[329] Nonetheless, all the censuses conclude that the majority of Mexico's indigenous population is concentrated in rural areas of the southern and south-eastern Mexican states,[330] with the highest percentages being found in Yucatán (59% of the population), Oaxaca (48%), Quintana Roo (39%), Chiapas (28%), and Campeche (27%).[249][331] Similarly to Mestizo and indigenous peoples, estimates of the percentage of European-descended Mexicans vary considerably depending on the criteria used: recent nationwide field surveys that account for different phenotypical traits (hair color, skin color etc.) report a percentage between 18%[332]-23%[333] if the criterion is the presence of blond hair, and of 47% if the criterion is skin color, with the later surveys having been conducted by Mexico's government itself.[317][318][319][321][334] While, during the colonial era, most of the European migration into Mexico was Spanish, in the 19th and 20th centuries, a substantial number of non-Spanish Europeans immigrated to the country,[335] with Europeans often being the most numerous ethnic group in colonial Mexican cities.[336][337] Nowadays, Mexico's northern and western regions have the highest percentages of European populations, with the majority of the people not having native admixture or being of predominantly European ancestry.[338] The Afro-Mexican population (2,576,213 individuals as of 2020)[1][339] is an ethnic group made up of descendants of Colonial-era slaves and recent immigrants of sub-Saharan African descent. Mexico had an active slave trade during the colonial period, and some 200,000 Africans were taken there, primarily in the 17th century. The creation of a national Mexican identity, especially after the Mexican Revolution, emphasized Mexico's indigenous and European past; it passively eliminated the African ancestors and contributions. Most of the African-descended population was absorbed into the surrounding Mestizo (mixed European/indigenous) and indigenous populations through unions among the groups. Evidence of this long history of intermarriage with Mestizo and indigenous Mexicans is also expressed in the fact that, in the 2015 inter-census, 64.9% (896,829) of Afro-Mexicans also identified as indigenous. It was also reported that 7.4% of Afro-Mexicans speak an indigenous language.[1][340] The states with the highest self-report of Afro-Mexicans were Guerrero (8.6% of the population), Oaxaca (4.7%) and Baja California Sur (3.3%).[1][341] Afro-Mexican culture is strongest in the communities of the Costa Chica of Oaxaca and Costa Chica of Guerrero. Regional variation of ancestry according to a study made by Ruiz-Linares in 2014, each dot represents a volunteer, with most coming from south Mexico and Mexico City.[342] During the early 20th century, a substantial number of Arabs (mostly Christians)[citation needed] began arriving from the crumbling Ottoman Empire. The largest group were the Lebanese and an estimated 400,000 Mexicans have some Lebanese ancestry.[343] Smaller ethnic groups in Mexico include South and East Asians, present since the colonial era. During the colonial era, Asians were termed Chino (regardless of ethnicity), and arrived as merchants, artisans and slaves.[344] A study by Juan Esteban Rodríguez, a graduate student at the National Laboratory of Genomics for Biodiversity, indicated that up to one third of people sampled from Guerrero state had significantly more Asian ancestry than most Mexicans, primarily Filipino or Indonesian.[345][346] Modern Asian immigration began in the late 19th century, and at one point in the early 20th century, the Chinese were the second largest immigrant group.[347] Languages Main article: Languages of Mexico Spanish is the de facto national language spoken by the vast majority of the population, making Mexico the world's most populous Hispanophone country.[348][306] Mexican Spanish refers to the varieties of the language spoken in the country, which differ from one region to another in sound, structure, and vocabulary.[349] In general, Mexican Spanish does not make any phonetic distinction among the letters s and z, as well as c when preceding the vowels e and i, as opposed to Peninsular Spanish. The letters b and v have the same pronunciation as well.[349] Furthermore, the usage of vos, the second person singular pronoun, found in several Latin American varieties, is replaced by tú; whereas vosotros, the second person plural pronoun, fell out of use and was effectively replaced by ustedes.[349] In written form, the Spanish Royal Academy serves as the primary guideline for spelling, except for words of Amerindian origin that retain their original phonology such as cenzontle instead of sinzontle and México not Méjico. Words of foreign origin also maintain their original spelling such as "whisky" and "film", as opposed to güisqui and filme as the Royal Academy suggests.[349] The letter x is distinctly used in Mexican Spanish, where it may be pronounced as [ks] (as in oxígeno or taxi); as [ʃ], particularly in Amerindian words (e.g. mixiote, Xola and uxmal); and as the voiceless velar fricative [x] (such as Texas and Oaxaca).[349] Map for the year 2000 of the indigenous languages of Mexico having more than 100,000 speakers. The federal government officially recognizes sixty-eight linguistic groups and 364 varieties of indigenous languages.[350] It is estimated that around 8.3 million citizens speak these languages,[351] with Nahuatl being the most widely spoken by more than 1.7 million, followed by Yucatec Maya used daily by nearly 850,000 people. Tzeltal and Tzotzil, two other Mayan languages, are spoken by around half a million people each, primarily in the southern state of Chiapas.[351] Mixtec and Zapotec, with an estimated 500,000 native speakers each, are two other prominent language groups.[351] Since its creation in March 2003, the National Indigenous Languages Institute has been in charge of promoting and protecting the use of the country's indigenous languages, through the General Law of Indigenous Peoples' Linguistic Rights, which recognizes them de jure as "national languages" with status equal to that of Spanish.[352] That notwithstanding, in practice, indigenous peoples often face discrimination and don't have full access to public services such as education and healthcare, or to the justice system, as Spanish is the prevailing language.[353] Aside from indigenous languages, there are several minority languages spoken in Mexico due to international migration such as Low German by the 80,000-strong Mennonite population, primarily settled in the northern states, fueled by the tolerance of the federal government towards this community by allowing them to set their own educational system compatible with their customs and traditions.[354] The Chipilo dialect, a variance of the Venetian language, is spoken in the town of Chipilo, located in the central state of Puebla, by around 2,500 people, mainly descendants of Venetians that migrated to the area in the late 19th century.[355] Furthermore, English is the most commonly taught foreign language in Mexico. It is estimated that nearly 24 million, or around a fifth of the population, study the language through public schools, private institutions or self-access channels.[356] However, a high level of English proficiency is limited to only 5% of the population.[357] Moreover, French is the second most widely taught foreign language, as every year between 200,000 and 250,000 Mexican students enroll in language courses.[358][359][360] Emigration and immigration Main articles: Emigration from Mexico and Immigration to Mexico Mexico–United States barrier between San Diego's border patrol offices in California, USA (left) and Tijuana, Mexico (right) In the early 1960s, around 600,000 Mexicans lived abroad, which increased sevenfold by the 1990s to 4.4 million.[361] At the turn of the 21st century, this figure more than doubled to 9.5 million.[361] As of 2017, it is estimated that 12.9 million Mexicans live abroad, primarily in the United States, which concentrates nearly 98% of the expatriate population.[361] The majority of Mexicans have settled in states such as California, Texas and Illinois, particularly around the metropolitan areas of Los Angeles, Chicago, Houston and Dallas–Fort Worth.[362] As a result of these major migration flows in recent decades, around 36 million U.S. residents, or 11.2% of the country's population, identified as being of full or partial Mexican ancestry.[363] The remaining 2% of expatriates have settled in Canada (86,000), primarily in the provinces of Ontario and Quebec,[364] followed by Spain (49,000) and Germany (18,000), both European destinations represent almost two-thirds of the Mexican population living in the continent.[361] As for Latin America, it is estimated that 69,000 Mexicans live in the region, Guatemala (18,000) being the top destination for expatriates, followed by Bolivia (10,000) and Panama (5,000).[361] As of 2017, it is estimated that 1.2 million foreigners have settled in Mexico,[365] up from nearly 1 million in 2010.[366] The vast majority of migrants come from the United States (900,000), making Mexico the top destination for U.S. citizens abroad.[367] The second largest group comes from neighboring Guatemala (54,500), followed by Spain (27,600).[365] Other major sources of migration are fellow Latin American countries, which include Colombia (20,600), Argentina (19,200) and Cuba (18,100).[365] Historically, the Lebanese diaspora and the German-born Mennonite migration have left a notorious impact in the country's culture, particularly in its cuisine and traditional music.[368][369] At the turn of the 21st century, several trends have increased the number of foreigners residing in the country such as the 2008–2014 Spanish financial crisis,[370] increasing gang-related violence in the Northern Triangle of Central America,[371] the ongoing political and economic crisis in Venezuela,[372][373] and the automotive industry boom led by Japanese and South Korean investment.[374][375] Urban areas Main article: Metropolitan areas of Mexico See also: List of cities in Mexico  vte Largest metropolitan areas in Mexico 2020 National Population Census[376] Rank Name State Pop. Rank Name State Pop. Valley of Mexico Valley of Mexico Monterrey Monterrey 1 Valley of Mexico Mexico City, State of Mexico, Hidalgo 21,804,515 11 Mérida Yucatán 1,316,088 Guadalajara Guadalajara Puebla–Tlaxcala Puebla–Tlaxcala 2 Monterrey Nuevo León 5,341,171 12 San Luis Potosí San Luis Potosí 1,271,366 3 Guadalajara Jalisco 5,286,642 13 Aguascalientes Aguascalientes 1,140,916 4 Puebla–Tlaxcala Puebla, Tlaxcala 3,199,530 14 Mexicali Baja California 1,031,779 5 Toluca State of Mexico 2,353,924 15 Saltillo Coahuila 1,031,779 6 Tijuana Baja California 2,157,853 16 Cuernavaca Morelos 1,028,589 7 León Guanajuato 1,924,771 17 Culiacán Sinaloa 1,003,530 8 Querétaro Querétaro 1,594,212 18 Morelia Michoacán 988,704 9 Juárez Chihuahua 1,512,450 19 Chihuahua Chihuahua 988,065 10 La Laguna Coahuila, Durango 1,434,283 20 Veracruz Veracruz 939,046 Religion Main article: Religion in Mexico Religion in Mexico (2020 census)[377][378]   Roman Catholic (72.1%)   Evangelist (unspecified) (2.5%)   Jehovah's Witness (1.7%)   Pentecostal evangelist (1.3%)   Irreligion (15.3%)   Unspecified (Do not answer/Do not known) (2.7%)   Baptists (0.4%)   Adventists (0.4%)   Mormons (0.2%)   Atheist (0.9%)   Agnostics (0.1%)   Other (1.4%) Although the Constitutions of 1857 and 1917 put limits on the role of the Roman Catholic Church in Mexico, Roman Catholicism remains the country's dominant religious affiliation. The 2020 census by the Instituto Nacional de Estadística y Geografía (National Institute of Statistics and Geography) gives Roman Catholicism as the main religion, with 77.7% (97,864,218) of the population, while 11.2% (14,095,307) belong to Protestant/Evangelical Christian denominations—including Other Christians (6,778,435), Evangelicals (2,387,133), Pentecostals (1,179,415), Jehovah's Witnesses (1,530,909), Seventh-day Adventists (791,109), and members of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints (337,998)—; 8.1% (9,488,671) declared having no religion; .4% (491,814) were unspecified.[1][379] The 97,864,218[1] Catholics of Mexico constitute in absolute terms the second largest Catholic community in the world, after Brazil's.[380] 47% percent of them attend church services weekly.[381] The feast day of Our Lady of Guadalupe, the patron saint of Mexico, is celebrated on 12 December and is regarded by many Mexicans as the most important religious holiday of their country.[382] The denominations Pentecostal also have an important presence, especially in the cities of the border and in the indigenous communities. As of 2010, Pentecostal churches together have more than 1.3 million adherents, which in net numbers place them as the second Christian creed in Mexico. The situation changes when the different Pentecostal denominations are considered as separate entities. The third-largest Christian group is the Jehovah's Witnesses, which totals more than 1 million adherents. In the same census The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, whose members are known as Mormons, reported 314,932 members,[citation needed] though the church claimed in 2009 to have over one million registered members.[383] Other groups are growing, such as Iglesia apostólica de la Fe en Cristo Jesús, Mennonites and Seventh-day Adventist Church and Church of the La Luz del Mundo, which has its center in "La Hermosa Provincia", a colony of Guadalajara. Migratory phenomena have led to the spread of different aspects of Christianity, including branches Protestants, Eastern Catholic Churches and Eastern Orthodox Church.[384] In certain regions, the profession of a creed other than the Catholic is seen as a threat to community unity. It is argued that the Catholic religion is part of the ethnic identity, and that the Protestants are not willing to participate in the traditional customs and practices (the tequio or community work, participation in the festivities and similar issues). The refusal of the Protestants is because their religious beliefs do not allow them to participate in the cult of images. In extreme cases, tension between Catholics and Protestants has led to the expulsion or even murder of Protestants in several villages. The best known cases are those of San Juan Chamula,[385][386] in Chiapas, and San Nicolás, in Ixmiquilpan,[387] Hidalgo. A similar argument was presented by a committee of anthropologists to request the government of the Republic to expel the Summer Linguistic Institute (SIL), in the year 1979, which was accused of promoting the division of indigenous peoples by translating the Bible into vernacular languages and evangelizing in a Protestant creed that threatened the integrity of popular cultures. The Mexican government paid attention to the call of the anthropologists and canceled the agreement that had held with the SIL.[388] The presence of Jews in Mexico dates back to 1521, when Hernán Cortés conquered the Aztecs, accompanied by several Conversos.[389] According to the 2020 census, there are 58,876 Jews in Mexico.[1] Islam in Mexico (with 7,982 members) is practiced mostly by Arab Mexicans.[1] In the 2010 census 36,764 Mexicans reported belonging to a spiritualist religion,[1] a category which includes a tiny Buddhist population. According to Jacobo Grinberg (in texts edited by the National Autonomous University of Mexico), the survival of magic-religious rituals of the old indigenous groups is remarkable, not only in the current indigenous population but also in the mestizo and white population that make up the Mexican rural and urban society. There is often a syncretism between shamanism and Catholic traditions. Another religion of popular syncretism in Mexico (especially in recent years) is the Santería. This is mainly due to the large number of Cubans who settled in the territory after the Cuban Revolution (mainly in states such as Veracruz and Yucatán). Even though Mexico was also a recipient of black slaves from Africa in the 16th century, the apogee of these cults is relatively new.[390] In general, popular religiosity is viewed with bad eyes by institutionally structured religions. One of the most exemplary cases of popular religiosity is the cult of Holy Dead (Santa Muerte). The Catholic hierarchy insists on describing it as a satanic cult. However, most of the people who profess this cult declare themselves to be Catholic believers, and consider that there is no contradiction between the tributes they offer to the Christ Child and the adoration of God. Other examples are the representations of the Passion of Christ and the celebration of Day of the Dead, which take place within the framework of the Catholic Christian imaginary, but under a very particular reinterpretation of its protagonists.[391] Health Main article: Healthcare in Mexico Secretary of Health, Mexico City, Mexico. In the 1930s, Mexico made a commitment to rural health care, mandating that mostly urban medical students receive training in it and to make them agents of the state to assess marginal areas.[392] Since the early 1990s, Mexico entered a transitional stage in the health of its population and some indicators such as mortality patterns are identical to those found in highly developed countries like Germany or Japan.[393] Mexico's medical infrastructure is highly rated for the most part and is usually excellent in major cities,[394][395] but rural communities still lack equipment for advanced medical procedures, forcing patients in those locations to travel to the closest urban areas to get specialized medical care.[206] Social determinants of health can be used to evaluate the state of health in Mexico. State-funded institutions such as Mexican Social Security Institute (IMSS) and the Institute for Social Security and Services for State Workers (ISSSTE) play a major role in health and social security. Private health services are also very important and account for 13% of all medical units in the country.[396] Medical training is done mostly at public universities with much specializations done in vocational or internship settings. Some public universities in Mexico, such as the University of Guadalajara, have signed agreements with the U.S. to receive and train American students in Medicine. Health care costs in private institutions and prescription drugs in Mexico are on average lower than that of its North American economic partners.[394] Education Main article: Education in Mexico Central Library of the National Autonomous University of Mexico In 2004, the literacy rate was at 97%[397] for youth under the age of 14, and 91% for people over 15,[398] placing Mexico at 24th place in the world according to UNESCO.[399] Nowadays, Mexico's literacy rate is high, at 94.86% in 2018, up from 82.99% in 1980,[400] with the literacy rates of males and females being relatively equal. The National Autonomous University of Mexico ranks 103rd in the QS World University Rankings, making it the best university in Mexico. After it comes the Monterrey Institute of Technology and Higher Education as the best private school in Mexico and 158th worldwide in 2019.[401] Private business schools also stand out in international rankings. IPADE and EGADE, the business schools of Universidad Panamericana and of Monterrey Institute of Technology and Higher Education respectively, were ranked in the top 10 in a survey conducted by The Wall Street Journal among recruiters outside the United States.[402] Culture Main article: Culture of Mexico Palacio de Bellas Artes (Palace of Fine Arts), with murals, other artwork, and a major performance space Mexican culture reflects the complexity of the country's history through the blending of indigenous cultures and the culture of Spain during Spain's 300-year colonial rule of Mexico. The Porfirian era (el Porfiriato) (1876-1911), was marked by economic progress and peace. After four decades of civil unrest and war, Mexico saw the development of philosophy and the arts, promoted by President Porfirio Díaz himself. Since that time, as accentuated during the Mexican Revolution, cultural identity has had its foundation in the mestizaje, of which the indigenous (i.e. Amerindian) element is the core. In light of the various ethnicities that formed the Mexican people, José Vasconcelos in La Raza Cósmica (The Cosmic Race) (1925) defined Mexico to be the melting pot of all races (thus extending the definition of the mestizo) not only biologically but culturally as well.[403] Other Mexican intellectuals grappled with the idea of Lo Mexicano, which seeks "to discover the national ethos of Mexican culture."[404] Nobel laureate Octavio Paz explores the notion of a Mexican national character in The Labyrinth of Solitude. Visual art Main articles: Mexican art, Sculpture in Mexico, Architecture of Mexico, and Mexican art § Photography in Mexico Monument to Cuauhtémoc, Paseo de la Reforma, Mexico City (1887) Painting is one of the oldest arts in Mexico. Cave painting in Mexican territory is about 7500 years old and has been found in the caves of the Baja California Peninsula. Pre-Columbian Mexico is present in buildings and caves, in Aztec codices, in ceramics, in garments, etc.; examples of this are the Maya mural paintings of Bonampak, or those of Teotihuacán, those of Cacaxtla and those of Monte Albán. Mural painting with Christian religious themes had an important flowering during the 16th century, early colonial era in newly constructed churches and monasteries. Examples can be found in Acolman, Actopan, Huejotzingo, Tecamachalco and Zinacantepec. As with most art during the early modern era in the West, colonial-era Mexican art was religious during the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. Starting in the late seventeenth century, and, most prominently in the eighteenth century, secular portraits and images of racial types, so-called casta painting appeared.[405] Important painters of the late colonial period were Juan Correa, Cristóbal de Villalpando and Miguel Cabrera. In early post-independence Mexico, Nineteenth-century painting had a marked romantic influence; landscapes and portraits were the greatest expressions of this era. Hermenegildo Bustos is one of the most appreciated painters of the historiography of Mexican art. Other painters include Santiago Rebull, Félix Parra, Eugenio Landesio, and his noted pupil, the landscape artist José María Velasco.[406] In the 20th century has achieved world renown with painters such as Diego Rivera, David Alfaro Siqueiros, and José Clemente Orozco, the so-called "Big Three" of Mexican muralism. They were commissioned by the Mexican government to paint large-scale historical murals on the walls of public buildings, such as the , which helped shape popular perceptions of the Mexican Revolution and Mexican cultural identity.[407] Frida Kahlo's largely personal portraiture has gained enormous popularity.[408] Federico Cantú Garza, Juan O'Gorman, and Rufino Tamayo are also important artists. Some of the most outstanding painters in the late 20th century and early 21st century: Francisco Toledo was a Mexican Zapotec painter, sculptor, and graphic artist. Verónica Ruiz de Velasco is a neofigurative painter and muralist. Both Verónica Ruiz de Velasco and Francisco Toledo were students of Rufino Tamayo. Gilberto Aceves Navarro is also considered an important contemporary artist.[citation needed] Frida Kahlo, the most famous woman artist in Mexican history. Sculpture was an integral part of pre-Columbian Mesoamerican civilizations, (Mayans, Olmecs, Toltecs, Mixtecs, Aztecs), and others, usually religious in nature. From the Spanish conquest in 1521, civil and religious sculpture was created by indigenous artists, with guidance from Spaniards, so some pre-Columbian features are evident. After independence in 1821, the creation of monuments commemorating historical figures became a way to shape of historical memory. During the 20th century, some important exponents of Mexican sculpture are Juan Soriano, José Luis Cuevas, and Enrique Carbajal (also known as Sebastián).[citation needed] The presence of the humans in the Mexican territory has left important archaeological findings of great importance for the explanation of the habitat of primitive man and contemporary man. The Mesoamerican civilizations managed to have great stylistic development and proportion on the human and urban scale, the form was evolving from simplicity to aesthetic complexity; in the north of the country the adobe and stone architecture is manifested, the multifamily housing as we can see in Casas Grandes; and the troglodyte dwelling in caves of the Sierra Madre Occidental. Urbanism had a great development in pre-Columbian cultures, where we can see the magnitude of the cities of Teotihuacán, Tollan-Xicocotitlan and México-Tenochtitlan, within the environmentalist urbanism highlight the Mayan cities to be incorporated into the monumentality of its buildings with the thickness of the jungle and complex networks of roads called sakbés. Mesoamerican architecture is noted for its pyramids which are the largest such structures outside of Ancient Egypt.[citation needed] Spanish Colonial architecture is marked by the contrast between the simple, solid construction demanded by the new environment and the Baroque ornamentation exported from Spain. Mexico, as the center of New Spain has some of the most renowned buildings built in this style. With the arrival of the Spaniards, architectural theories of the Greco-Roman order with Arab influences were introduced. Due to the process of evangelization, when the first monastic temples and monasteries were built, their own models were projected, such as the mendicant monasteries, unique in their type in architecture. The interaction between Spaniards and natives gave rise to artistic styles such as the so-called tequitqui (from Nahuatl: worker). Years later the baroque and mannerism were imposed in large cathedrals and civil buildings, while rural areas are built haciendas or stately farms with Mozarabic tendencies.[citation needed] Museo Soumaya in Mexico City building In the 19th century the neoclassical movement arose as a response to the objectives of the republican nation, one of its examples are the Hospicio Cabañas where the strict plastic of the classical orders are represented in their architectural elements, new religious buildings also arise, civilian and military that demonstrate the presence of neoclassicism. Romanticists from a past seen through archeology show images of medieval Europe, Islamic and pre-Columbian Mexico in the form of architectural elements in the construction of international exhibition pavilions looking for an identity typical of the national culture. The art nouveau, and the art deco were styles introduced into the design of the Palacio de Bellas Artes to mark the identity of the Mexican nation with Greek-Roman and pre-Columbian symbols.[citation needed] The emergence of the new Mexican architecture was born as a formal order of the policies of a nationalist state that sought modernity and the differentiation of other nations. The development of a Mexican modernist architecture was perhaps mostly fully manifested in the mid-1950s construction of the Ciudad Universitaria, Mexico City, the main campus of the National Autonomous University of Mexico. Designed by the most prestigious architects of the era, including Mario Pani, Eugenio Peschard, and Enrique del Moral, the buildings feature murals by artists Diego Rivera, David Alfaro Siqueiros, and José Chávez Morado. It has since been recognized as a UNESCO World Heritage Site.[409] Juan O'Gorman was one of the first environmental architects in Mexico, developing the "organic" theory, trying to integrate the building with the landscape within the same approaches of Frank Lloyd Wright.[410] In the search for a new architecture that does not resemble the styles of the past, it achieves a joint manifestation with the mural painting and the landscaping. Luis Barragán combined the shape of the space with forms of rural vernacular architecture of Mexico and Mediterranean countries (Spain-Morocco), integrating color that handles light and shade in different tones and opens a look at the international minimalism. He won the 1980 Pritzker Prize, the highest award in architecture.[411] Mexico has been photographed since the nineteenth century, when the technology was first developed. During the Porfiriato, Díaz realized the importance of photography in shaping the understanding of his regime and its accomplishments. The government hired Guillermo Kahlo (father of painter Frida Kahlo) to create photographic images of Mexico's new industrial structures as well as its pre-Columbian and colonial past. Photographer Hugo Brehme specialized in images of "picturesque" Mexico, with images of Mexican places and often rural people. During the Mexican Revolution, photographers chronicled the conflict, usually in the aftermath of a battle, since large and heavy equipment did not permit action shots. Agustín Victor Casasola is the most famous of photographer of the revolutionary era, and he collected other photographers' images in the Casasola Archive; his vast collection was purchased by the Mexican government and is now part of the government photographic repository, the Fototeca.[412][413] After the revolution, Mexican photographers created photographs as art images.[414] Among others, notable Mexican photographers include Manuel Álvarez Bravo, Héctor García Cobo, and Graciela Iturbide. Literature Main article: Mexican literature Octavio Paz was awarded the 1990 Nobel Prize in Literature Mexican literature has its antecedents in the literature of the indigenous settlements of Mesoamerica. Poetry had a rich cultural tradition in pre-Columbian Mexico, being divided into two broad categories—secular and religious. Aztec poetry was sung, chanted, or spoken, often to the accompaniment of a drum or a harp. While Tenochtitlan was the political capital, Texcoco was the cultural center; the Texcocan language was considered the most melodious and refined. The best well-known pre-Columbian poet is Nezahualcoyotl.[415] There are historical chronicles of the conquest of Mexico by participants, and, later, by historians. Bernal Díaz del Castillo's True History of the Conquest of Mexico is still widely read today. Spanish-born poet Bernardo de Balbuena extolled the virtues of Mexico in Grandeza mexicana (Mexican grandeur) (1604). Baroque literature flourished in the 17th century; the most notable writers of this period were Juan Ruiz de Alarcón and Juana Inés de la Cruz. Sor Juana was famous in her own time, called the "Ten Muse."[416] The late colonial-era novel by José Joaquín Fernández de Lizardi, whose The Mangy Parrot ("El Periquillo Sarniento"), is said to be the first Latin American novel.[416] Nineteenth-century liberal of Nahua origin Ignacio Manuel Altamirano is an important writer of the era, along with Vicente Riva Palacio, the grandson of Mexican hero of independence Vicente Guerrero, who authored a series of historical novels as well as poetry. In the modern era, the novel of the Mexican Revolution by Mariano Azuela (Los de abajo, translated to English as The Underdogs) is noteworthy. Poet and Nobel Laureate Octavio Paz, novelist Carlos Fuentes, Alfonso Reyes, Renato Leduc, essayist Carlos Monsiváis, journalist and public intellectual Elena Poniatowska, and Juan Rulfo (Pedro Páramo), Martín Luis Guzmán, Nellie Campobello, (Cartucho). Cinema Main article: Cinema of Mexico Actress Dolores del Río, Hollywood star in the 1920s and 1930s and prominent figure of the Golden Age of Mexican cinema in the 1940s and 1950s Mexican films from the Golden Age in the 1940s and 1950s are the greatest examples of Latin American cinema, with a huge industry comparable to the Hollywood of those years. Mexican films were exported and exhibited in all of Latin America and Europe. María Candelaria (1943) by Emilio Fernández, was one of the first films awarded a Palme d'Or at the Cannes Film Festival in 1946, the first time the event was held after World War II. The famous Spanish-born director Luis Buñuel realized in Mexico between 1947 and 1965 some of his masterpieces like Los Olvidados (1949) and Viridiana (1961). Famous actors and actresses from this period include María Félix, Pedro Infante, Dolores del Río, Jorge Negrete and the comedian Cantinflas. More recently, films such as Como agua para chocolate (1992), Sex, Shame, and Tears (1999), Y tu mamá también (2001), and The Crime of Father Amaro (2002) have been successful in creating universal stories about contemporary subjects, and were internationally recognized. Mexican directors Alejandro González Iñárritu (Amores perros, Babel, Birdman, The Revenant), Alfonso Cuarón (A Little Princess, Harry Potter and the Prisoner of Azkaban, Gravity, Roma), Guillermo del Toro (Hellboy, Pan's Labyrinth, Crimson Peak, The Shape of Water), screenwriter Guillermo Arriaga and photographer Emmanuel Lubezki are some of the most known present-day film makers. Media Further information: Mexican television, List of newspapers in Mexico, and List of Mexican magazines There was a major reform of the telecommunications industry in 2013, with the creation of new broadcast television channels. There had been a longstanding limitation on the number of networks, with Televisa, with a virtual monopoly; TV Azteca, and Imagen Television. New technology has allowed the entry of foreign satellite and cable companies. Mexico became the first Latin American country to transition from analog to all digital transmissions.[417] Telenovelas, or soap operas are very traditional in Mexico and are translated to many languages and seen all over the world. Mexico was a pioneer in edutainment, with TV producer Miguel Sabido creating in 1970s "soap operas for social change". The "Sabido method" has been adopted in many other countries subsequently, including India, Peru, Kenya, and China.[418] The Mexican government successfully used a telenovela to promote family planning in the 1970s to curb the country's high birth rate.[419] Bilingual government radio stations broadcasting in Spanish and indigenous languages were a tool for indigenous education (1958–65) and since 1979 the Instituto Nacional Indigenista has established a national network of bilingual radio stations.[420] Cuisine Main article: Mexican cuisine See also: Mexican wine Mole sauce, which has dozens of varieties across the Republic, is seen as a symbol of Mexicanidad[421] and is considered Mexico's national dish.[421] The origin of the current Mexican cuisine was established during the Spanish colonial era, a mixture of the foods of Spain with native indigenous ingredients.[422] Foods indigenous to Mexico include corn, pepper vegetables, calabazas, avocados, sweet potato, turkey, many beans, and other fruits and spices. Similarly, some cooking techniques used today are inherited from pre-Columbian peoples, such as the nixtamalization of corn, the cooking of food in ovens at ground level, grinding in molcajete and metate. With the Spaniards came the pork, beef and chicken meats; peppercorn, sugar, milk and all its derivatives, wheat and rice, citrus fruits and another constellation of ingredients that are part of the daily diet of Mexicans. From this meeting of millennia old two culinary traditions, were born pozole, mole sauce, barbacoa and tamale is in its current forms, the chocolate, a large range of breads, tacos, and the broad repertoire of Mexican street foods. Beverages such as atole, champurrado, milk chocolate and aguas frescas were born; desserts such as acitrón and the full range of crystallized sweets, rompope, cajeta, jericaya and the wide repertoire of delights created in the convents of nuns in all parts of the country. In 2005, Mexico presented the candidature of its gastronomy for World Heritage Site of UNESCO, the first time a country had presented its gastronomic tradition for this purpose.[423] The result was negative, because the committee did not place the proper emphasis on the importance of corn in Mexican cuisine.[424] On 16 November 2010 Mexican gastronomy was recognized as Intangible cultural heritage by UNESCO.[425] In addition, Daniela Soto-Innes was named the best female chef in the world by The World's Best 50 Restaurants in April 2019.[426] Music and dance Main articles: Music of Mexico and Folk dance of Mexico A black and white portrait of a middle aged man wearing a dark suit, glasses and looking down. Portrait of composer Carlos Chávez by Carl van Vechten Mexico has a long tradition of music from the prehispanic era to the present.Much of the music from the colonial era was composed for religious purposes.[427][428][429][430] Although the traditions of European opera and especially Italian opera had initially dominated the Mexican music conservatories and strongly influenced native opera composers (in both style and subject matter), elements of Mexican nationalism had already appeared by the latter part of the 19th century with operas such as Aniceto Ortega del Villar's 1871 Guatimotzin, a romanticized account of the defense of Mexico by its last Aztec ruler, Cuauhtémoc. The most well-known Mexican composer of the twentieth century is Carlos Chávez (1899-1978), who composed six symphonies with indigenous themes, and rejuvenated Mexican music, founding the Orquesta Sinfónica Nacional.[431] Traditional Mexican music includes mariachi, banda, norteño, ranchera, and corridos. Corridos were particularly popular during the Mexican Revolution (1910–20) and in the present era include narcocorridos. The embrace of rock and roll by young Mexicans in the 1960s and 1970s brought Mexico into the transnational, counterculture movement of the era. In Mexico, the native rock culture merged into the larger countercultural and political movement of the late 1960s, culminating in the 1968 protests and redirected into counterculture rebellion, La Onda (the wave).[432][433] On an everyday basis most Mexicans listen to contemporary music such as pop, rock, and others in both English and Spanish. Folk dance of Mexico along with its music is both deeply regional and traditional.Founded in 1952, the Ballet Folklórico de México performs music and dance of the prehispanic period through the Mexican Revolution in regional attire in the Palacio de Bellas Artes.[434] Sports Main article: Sport in Mexico Azteca Stadium, Mexico City. Organized sport in Mexico largely dates from the late nineteenth century, with only bullfighting having a long history dating to the early colonial era. Once the political turmoil of the early republic was replaced by the stability of the Porfiriato did organized sport become public diversions, with structured and ordered play governed by rules and authorities. Baseball was introduced from the United States and also via Cuba in the 1880s and organized teams were created. After the Mexican Revolution, the government sponsored sports to counter the international image of political turmoil and violence. The bid to host the 1968 Summer Olympics was to burnish Mexico's stature internationally, with is being the first Latin American country to host the games. The government spent abundantly on sporting facilities and other infrastructure to make the games a success, but those expenditures helped fuel public discontent with the government's lack of spending on social programs.[435] Mexico City hosted the XIX Olympic Games in 1968, making it the first Latin American city to do so.[436] The country has also hosted the FIFA World Cup twice, in 1970 and 1986.[437] Mexico's most popular sport is association football. El Santo, one of the most famous and iconic Mexican luchadores The Mexican professional baseball league is named the Liga Mexicana de Beisbol. While usually not as strong as the United States, the Caribbean countries and Japan, Mexico has nonetheless achieved several international baseball titles.[438][439] Other sporting activities include Bullfighting, boxing, and Lucha Libre (freestyle professional wrestling). Bullfighting (Spanish: corrida de toros) came to Mexico 500 years ago with the arrival of the Spanish. Despite efforts by animal rights activists to outlaw it, bullfighting remains a popular sport in the country, and almost all large cities have bullrings. Plaza México in Mexico City, which seats 45,000 people, is the largest bullring in the world.[440] Mexico is an international power in professional boxing.[441] Thirteen Olympic boxing medals have been won by Mexico.[442] Freestyle professional wrestling is a major crowd draw with national promotions such as AAA, CMLL and others.[441] It has been recognized by UNESCO as an intangible cultural heritage of Mexico. See also flag Mexico portal Index of Mexico-related articles Outline of Mexico Notes  Spanish: México or Méjico, both pronounced [ˈmexiko] (listen); Nahuatl: Mēxihco  Usually, in Spanish, the name of the county is spelled as México, however, in the Peninsular Spanish, spelling variant Méjico, is also used alongside the usual version. According to the Diccionario panhispánico de dudas by Royal Spanish Academy and Association of Academies of the Spanish Language, the spelling version with J is correct, however, the spelling with X is recommended, as it is the one that is used in Mexican Spanish.[9]  Spanish: Estados Unidos Mexicanos, [esˈtaðos uˈniðoz mexiˈkanos] (listen), (lit.: United Mexican States), abriviation: EUM; Nahuatl: Mēxihcatl Tlacetilīlli Tlahtohcāyōtl  Defined as persons who live in a household where an indigenous language is spoken by one of the adult family members or people who self-identified as indigenous ("Criteria del hogar: De esta manera, se establece, que los hogares indígenas son aquellos en donde el jefe y/o el cónyuge y/o padre o madre del jefe y/o suegro o suegra del jefe hablan una lengua indígena y también aquellos que declararon pertenecer a un grupo indígena."[327]) AND persons who speak an indigenous language but who do not live in such a household ("Por lo antes mencionado, la Comisión Nacional Para el Desarrollo de los Pueblos Indígenas de México (CDI) considera población indígena (PI) a todas las personas que forman parte de un hogar indígena, donde el jefe(a) del hogar, su cónyuge y/o alguno de los ascendientes (madre o padre, madrastra o padrastro, abuelo(a), bisabuelo(a), tatarabuelo(a), suegro(a)) declaro ser hablante de lengua indígena. Además, también incluye a personas que declararon hablar alguna lengua indígena y que no forman parte de estos hogares."[328])
  • Country/Region of Manufacture: Mexico
  • Type: Photograph
  • Subject: Angels
  • Original/Licensed Reprint: Original
  • Year of Production: 1923

PicClick Insights - Revolutions Mexicano General 1923 Foto Original México Ángel Flores De Colección PicClick Exclusivo

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